falvo for the honor of parliament, gave them little apprehen sion or uneasiness; and it was not till after an interval of se veral years, when the colonies had been harrassed and wearied out by a long feries of vexations and eneroachments on their established privileges, that the assembly of Massachusetts at length, by a formal resolution, voted the declaratory act to be a grievance. The mere assertion of the claim, though harshly expressed, would have excited no serious discontent, had the authority of Great Britain been exercised in the old constitutional and regular mode; and the council of the Maffachufetts, with a degree of wisdom which it would have been happy if the parliament of Great Britain had deigned to imitate, say in their excellent answer to the bold political dogmas advanced in a studied speech by the governor: " If, from the nature and end of government, the sapreme autho rity of parliament must be limited; the enquiry will be, what are the limits of that authority with regard to this co lony? To fix this with precision, to determine the exact lines of right and wrong in this case, as in some others, is difficult, and we have not the presumption to attempt it."

Exclusive of the merit of carrying into execution, in contempt of the reproaches and clamors of the late rash and blundering minifters, this wife and conciliatory measure, the present administration, in the general tenor of their conduct, acted in a manner which reflected the highest credit on their integrity and understanding. The declaratory act, however theoretically difputable, served to display their folicitude to sustain the honor of the nation; which was made farther apparent by an act passed under their patronage, requiring compensation to be made by the American assemblies to those who had fuffered by the riots consequent on the stamp act*,

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The act repealing the stampact, when transmitted to America, was accompanied by a circular letter to the governors of the several provinces by Mr. Secretary Conway, written in that firm and temperate style which was at once calculated to maintain the honor of government, and to appease the discontent's and apprehenfions of the people. In a very important separate dispatch to Sir

Francis

The cider tax, so odious to the nation, was, in the course of the session, as to its most obnoxious clauses, and so far as its operation extended to private individuals, repealed. The oppreffive and justly unpopular duty on windows was modified and mitigated. General warrants were, by a resolution of the house of commons, declared illegal;-various useful and important regulations made in the West India and American trade, and the many absurd and pernicious restraints imposed by the former ministry removed. Mr. Grenville, by the introduction of certain new and onerous clauses into the hovering aft, and rigorously enforcing the execution of them, by stationing a long and formidable line of ships of war off the American coafts, had, as has been already intimated,

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Francis Bernard, governor of the Massachusetts, this minister says: "Nothing will tend more effectually to every conciliating purpose, and there is nothing therefore I have in command more earnestly to require of you, than that you should exert yourself in recommending it strongly to the afssembly, that full and ample compensation be made to those who, from the madness of the people, have suffered for their deference to the acts of the British legislature." Notwithstanding the moderation which now pervaded the English councils, and which dictated the dispatch received by the governor, it is very remarkable that the speech by which Sir Francis Bernard opened the next general court of the Massachusetts, June 1766, breathes the spirit of haughtiness, irritation, and discord. declares the justice and humanity of this requifition to be so forcible that it cannot be controverted. The authority by which it is introduced should preclude all disputations about complying with it." In a tone of reproach he adds" Both the business and the time are most critical. Let me entreat you to recollect yourselves, and confider well what you are about-Shall the private interests, passions, or resentments of a few men deprive this whole people of the great and manifold advantages which the favor and indulgence of their sovereign and his parliament are now providing for them? Surely, after his majesty's COMMANDS are known, the very persons who have created the prejudices and prepoffeffions I now endeavor to combat, will be the first to remove them."-It did not appear, by their subsequent conduct, that the assembly were at all disposed to resist the recommendation enjoined in the letter of the secretary, which, in their reply to the governor, they declare their resolution to embrace the first convenient opportunity to consider and act upon, But, highly offended at the general strain and tenor of the governor's speech, they add, "In the mean time we cannot but observe, that it is conceived in much higher and stronger terms in the speech than in the letter. Whether in thus exceeding your excellency speaks from your own authority or a HIGHER, is not with us to determine. If this recommenda tion, which your excellency terms a requifition, be founded on so much justice and humanity that it cannot be controverted-if the authority with which it is introduced should preclude all disputation about complying with it; we should be glad to know what freedom we have in the cafe?-With regard to the rest of your excellency's speech, we are conftrained to observe, that the general air and style of it savors much more of an act of free grace and pardon, than of a parliamentary address to the two houses of assembly; and we most fincerely wish your excellency had been pleased to referve it, if needful, for a proclamation."

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mated, in a great degree fucceeded in his project of destroy ing the contraband trade from time immemorial carried on between the British colonies and the Spanish Main, and which was in fact equally conducive to the prosperity, if not effential to the existence, of both. So opposite were the commercial politics of this weak and opinionated minister to those of his predeceffor Sir Robert Walpole, who, on being urged to adopt meafures to the same effect replied, " that he should think himself ill employed in fuch an attempt; for he was certain, that if America gained 500,000l. by this traffic, 250,000l. of it would find its way to England."

A new and beneficial treaty of commerce was also concluded with Russia; the long contefted affair of the Canada bills fettled to the fatisfaction of the holders, and strong and effectual remonftrances made to the French court for the more complete demolition of the harbor and fortifications of Dunkirk. Notwithstanding, however, the happy effects fo visibly refulting from the general spirit and difpofition, yet more than the acts of this administration, the tranquillity at home and the reputation abroad which they had already eftablished; scarcely were the minifters fixed in their offices, than a fecret resolution was taken to remove them. The repeal of the stamp act was a measure odious to the cabinet of Carlton House, and it was incessantly inveighed againft, both in and out of parliament, by the adherents and partisans of the Favorite-men who prefumed to arrogate to themselves the appellation of the KING'S FRIENDS-as a dereliction of the honor and dignity of government.

"During the administration of the marquis of Rockingham, says a celebrated writer, "an attempt was made to carry on the government without the concurrence of the CABAL, and to restore the principles and policy of the whigs. But this was only a tranfient cloud. No one will doubt that such men were abhorred and violently oppofed by the court faction, and that such a system could have but a short duration. This plan of FAVORITISM is the fountain of all those bitter waters of which the nation has been made so deeply to drink. There has not been one administration which has not sufficiently experienced the utter incompatibility of that faction with the public peace, and with all the ends of good government; fince, if they opposed it, they soon loft every power of ferving the crown; if they submitted to it, they loft all the esteem of their country.*."

Lord BUTE, understanding the perfect concurrence of lord Temple with his brother Mr. Grenville on the subject of American politics, and that he had even declared the repeal of the stamp act to be a virtual furrender of the authority of the British legislature over the colonies, determined upon making advances to his lordship in order to form a new administration. Lord Temple, who appears to have been a man upright, disinterested, fincere, possessing an high sense of honor, gracious in his manners, but stiff in his opinions, and endowed with a capacity not perhaps much more elevated than that of his brother the late minifter, refused with little ceremony to hearken to any propofitions from a quarter fo obnoxious. During the progress of the bill of repeal through the house of peers, it was more than infinuated by the Favorite himself, that the repeal was a measure very disagreeable to the king; upon which lord Rockingham afferted, that his majesty's approbation of the measure was clear and unequivocal. Notwithstanding which, lord Strange the next day repeated the afssertion, that the king highly disapproved the bill. On this lord Rockingham, greatly surprised, requested, at the next audience, his majesty's opinion in writing; but this was refused, and the new ministers were now convinced that they had loft, or rather that they had never possessed, his majesty's confidence.

An unfuccessful effort was now made to effect an accommodation between the whigs in and out of office: and an interview took place between lord Rockingham and lord Chatham. In the course of the conference, lord Chatham declaring that for this purpose a TRANSPOSITION

of

of OFFICES would be necessary," and this expression being supposed to imply the removal of Lord Rockingham from the treasury, the negotiation was dissolved in its very commencement. A difference arifing soon after this, between the ministers and the chancellor, respecting the plan or project of a constitution for the province of Canada, which the chancellor, naturally morose and furly, and who had never been cordially their friend, condemned in terms of indignation and intemperance, the cabinet of Carlton House were again encouraged to renew their efforts for the forming of a new administration; and, for this purpose, it was determined to offer Mr. Pitt a carte blanche. Mr. Pitt being introduced to the king at Richmond (July 12, 1766), was told by his majesty, that he had no terms to propose. He put himself entirely into his hands. Mr. Pitt, now in the ful ness of exultation, sent immediately for lord Temple, then at Stowe, and acquainted his lordship, that being empowered by his majesty to form an administration, he was defirous to see his lordship at the head of the treasury, he himself purpofing to take the post of privy seal; at the same time producing a list of names destined to occupy the other great departments of government. Lord Temple said, " he did not conceive, from the tenor of the conference with which he also had been honored by the king, that Mr. Pitt was to be abfolute master; if he had been previously so informed, he should not have given himself or Mr. Pitt the trouble of this vifit, being determined to come in upon an equality with Mr. Pitt; and in case he were to occupy the most responsible place under government, he should insist upon the introduction of fome of his friends into the cabinet, and he thought Mr. Pitt must be sensible he could not come in with honor unless he was allowed his share of the nomination. It was his idea to conciliate and unite all parties, which was the ground on which Mr. Pitt's former glorious administration had been erected; but if Mr. Pitt insisted upon a fuperior dictation, he defired the conference might be broken off,

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