had been universally expected; and so firmly perfuaded was General Washington that a junction between them was in contemplation, that, when the British army at New York had actually embarked on the expedition to the Chesapeak, the American General long persisted in his opinion that the fleet was destined to the northward.

On the 30th of July, he wrote from Coriel's Ferry, on the Delawar : "Howe's in a manner abandoning Burgoyne is so unaccountable a matter, that till I am.fully affured it is so, I cannot help casting my eyes continually behind me." When the English fleet, after touching at the Capes of Delawar, again stood out to sea, General Washington still writes under the influence of the same perfuafion : "It appears," says he, "that General Howe has been practifing a deep feint to draw our whole force to this point. Countermarch your division, and proceed with all poffible expedition to Peek's-kill." Again, August 3: "The conduct of the enemy is difficult and diftreffing to be understood;" and not till the latter end of the month was the doubt entirely removed, "The English ficet," says he (August 22), "have entered the Chesapeak; there is not now the leaft danger of Howe's going to New England." It does not however appear, that this co-operation was at any time in the contemplation of Sir Williato Howe; and the first intimation that any support whatever whatever would be expected from him in favor of the Northern expedition, was contained in a letter of Lord George Germaine, received by Sir William Howe when actually in the Bay of Chefapeak, in which he says, "I trust that, whatever you meditate, it will be executed in time to cooperate with the army ordered to proceed from Canada." The American Minister, as well as the Governor of Canada, had been apprized of General Howe's intended march to the Delawar; and could Lord George Germaine poffibly imagine, that the purposes of the Southern expedition could be answered, and General Howe be able to return in proper time to co-operate with General Burgoyne in the Northern? The truth is, that no traces are difcernible of any regular plan for the conduct of the campaign, or of any grand or masterly co-operation of means for the attainment of any precise or determinate object. Vague and general hopes were entertained, that the army under General Burgoyne, with fuch aid as he might eventually derive from the central force at New York, would fuffice for the subjugation of the Northern provinces, and that General Howe would in the mean time accomplish the conquest of the Southern. Such were the flattering delufions which, at the distance of 3000 miles, passed at the Court of St. James's for fober and rational expectancies; and in the annals of hiftory, Min

den and Saratoga will ever remain incontrovertible proofs, that Lord George Germaine was as great in the cabinet, as Lord George Sackville had been in the field.

On the 20th of November 1777, the Parliament assembled. Previous to this period, the exultation of the Court, on the intelligence of the first fucceffes of General Burgoyne, had suffered a fudden and grievous check by the last dispatches of that Commander, written after the defeat of the detachments of Baum and Breyman, when the tide of fortune was evidently setting strong against him. The Royal Speech, however, discovered no symptoms of dejection; no relentings, no forebodings. His Majesty expressed his "confidence, that the spirit and intrepidity of his forces would be attended with important fuccess; but intimated the neceffity of preparing for fuch farther operations as the contingencies of the war and the овSTINACY OF THE REBELS might render expedient. He expressed his determination teadily to pursue the measures in which they were engaged, and his hope that the DELUDED AND UNHAPPY MULTITUDE would finally return to their allegiance." In the House of Commons, the Address, which was moved by Lord Hyde, was opposed by the Marquis of Granby, who brought forward an amendment, in substance recommending to his Majesty measures of accommodation, and an immediate mediate cessation of hoftilities, as necessary for effectuating so defirable a purpose. This, after a long and vehement discussion, was rejected by a majority of 243 to 86. But the debate in the Upper House was rendered peculiarly interesting by the prefence of Lord Chatham, who himself moved an amendment of fimilar import to that of Lord Granby, which he supported with all that energy and eloquence which had formerly produced such mighty effects, and which must now have roused the nation from its death-like torpor, had this been within the compass of human virtue or human ability. He said, "It had been usual on fimilar occafions of public difficulty and distress, for the Crown to make application to that House, the great hereditary Council of the Nation, for advice and assistance. As it is the right of Parliament to give, so it is the duty of the Crown to ask it. But, on this day, and in this extreme momentous exigency, no reliance is reposed on your Councils, no advice is asked of Parliament; but the Crown, from itself, and by itself, declares an unalterable determination to pursue its own preconcerted measures ;-and what measures, my Lords? Meafures which have produced hitherto nothing but disappointments and defeats. I CANNOT, my Lords, I WILL NOT join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my Lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment; it is not a time for adulation; the finoothness of flattery cannot fave us in this rugged and awful crifis. It is now necessary to instruct the Throne in the language of TRUTH. We must, if poffible, difpel the delufion and darkness which envelop it; and display in its full danger, and genuine colors, the ruin which is brought to our doors. Can Minifters ftill prefume to expect support in their infatuation? Can Parliament be so dead to its dignity and duty as to give their fupport to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them? meafures, my Lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and contempt! 'But yesterday, and England might have stood againft the World; NOW, none so poor to do her reverence.' The people whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with every military store, their interests confulted, and their Ambassadors entertained by your inveterate enemy-and our Ministers do not, and dare not interpose with dignity or effect. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honors the English troops than I do: I know their virtues and their valor; I know they can achieve any thing except impoffibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impoffibility. You CANNOT, my Lords, you CANNOT conquer America. What