His Lordship in opening his plan acknowledged, "that he had always known that American taxation could never produce a beneficial revenue-that it was not his policy to tax them, but that he had found them taxed when he unfortunately came into Administration-and that he could not poffibly suspect the regulation he had introduced in relation to the tea-duty, could have been productive of such fatal consequences. With respect to the coercive acts, his Lordship faid, they had appeared necessary to remedy the distempers of the time. He complained, that the events of the war had turned out very different from what he had a right to expect from the great and well-appointed force sent over, but to events and not expectations he must make his plan conform. His Lordship faid, that the appointment of five Commissioners was in contemplation, who should be enabled to treat with the Congress as if it were a legal body; or with any individuals in their present civil capacities, or military commands;-that they should have a power to order a suspension of arms, to fufpend the operation of all laws, and to grant all forts of pardons. A preliminary renunciation of independency would not be required of America, and a contribution in any shape from America was not to be infifted upon as a fine qua non of the treaty, These conceffions his Lordship declared to be founded on reason and propriety; and if the quef

tion was asked, why they had not been fooner proposed, he should reply, that the moment of victory, for which he had anxioufly waited, seemed to him the only proper season for offering terms of conceffion. But though the result of the war had proved unfavorable, he would no longer delay the defirable and necessary work of recorciliation."

Never, perhaps, was the inexpreffible absurdity of the minifterial system more apparent than at the present moment. The powers now granted were precisely of the nature of those with which it was the object of the motion made by the Duke of Grafton, in the spring of 1776, to invest the former Commissioners, Lord and General Howe. Had that motion been adopted, the contest might unquestionably have been, with the utmost facility, amicably and honorably terminated; but the general aspect of affairs fince that period was totally changed. From the declaration of independency which America had once made, the could never be expected to recede. The strength of Great Britain had been tried, and found unequal to the conteft. The measures adopted by the English Government, particularly in the employment of German mercenaries and Indian savages, had inflamed the resentment of America to the highest pitch. Her recent fucceffes had rendered it to the last degree improbable that she would ever again consent to recognise, recognise, in any shape, or under any modification, the authority of Britain. A treaty of peace, commerce, and alliance was all that a just and found policy, in the present circumstances, could hope, or would endeavor to accomplish.

The propofitions of the Minifter were received by the Houfe without any symptoms of applause: on the contrary, they were affailed by objections from all quarters. The high-prerogative party lamented the degradation which the bills would bring upon the Government of this country. They infifted that our resources were great and inexhauftible; and they bitterly deplored that pufillanimity in our councils, which, after so great an expence of blood and treafure, could submit, not only to give up all the objects of the contest, but to enter into a public treaty with armed rebels, which, after all, would not produce the end proposed.

The Oppofition, usually fo called, expreffed their reluctant agreement in the probable truth of this prediction. The chances, in point of calculation, were infinitely against the success of the measure; but ftill there was a chance-and they would not, in any manner, impede or delay the execution of a plan which had conciliation for its object. They were not, however, the less severe upon the defence fet up by the Minister.

Mr. Fox afferted, "that his Lordship had attempted a juftification of the most unjustifiable measures which had ever disgraced any Government or ruined any Country. But his arguments might be collected into one point, his excuses comprised in one apology-in one fingle word-IGNORANCE: a palpable and total ignorance of every part of the subject. He hoped, and he was difappointed-he expected a great deal, and found little to answer his expectations-he thought America would have fubmitted to his laws, and they had refifted them-he thought they would have fubmitted to his armies, and they had defeated them-he made conciliatory propofitions, and he thought they would fucceed, but they were rejected-he appointed Commiffioners to make peace, and he thought they had powers; but he found they could not make peace, and that they had not fufficient powers. Had the present conceffions been offered in time, Mr. Fox faid, they would undoubtedly have been fuccessful :' for, however obscure his former propofitions of conciliation might be deemed, NECESSITY had at length compelled the noble Lord to speak plain. But what censure would be found sufficient, he asked, on those Ministers who had adjourned Parliament, in order to make a propofition of conciliation, and then neglected to do it until France had concluded a treaty with the United and Independent States of America, and acknowledged them as fuch? He did not speak from furmise, he said, he had it from authority he could not question,

6

question, that the treaty he mentioned had been figned in Paris ten days before; he therefore wished that the noble Lord would give the House satisfaction on that interesting point." The Minifter, being closely pressed, at length reluctantly acknowledged, " that it was but too probable such a treaty was in agitation, though he had no authority to pronounce absolutely that it was concluded:" and it was animadverted upon as a very extraordinary circumstance, that the intelligence of a private Member of that House should be sooner received, and more authentically afcertained, than that of the Government. The Conciliatory Bills were carried through both Houses early in March. On the fecond reading of the bills in the House of Peers, the Duke of Grafton informed their Lordships, that he had, what he conceived to be, indubitable intelligence that a Treaty had been actually figned between France and America: and his Grace demanded from the Minifters a public avowal or disavowal of this important fact. To which Lord Weymouth, Secretary of State, replied, " that he knew nothing of any such treaty, nor had received any authentic information of its being either in existence or contemplation." Nevertheless, within a very few days after this extraordinary declaration, Lord North delivered a Royal message to the House of Commons, and Lord Weymouth to the House of Peers, in which the King informed the two Houses, " that a Refcript had