other, for a firm neutrality: and there were two men at that time in the councils of the President, who supported these two opinions. The advocate of the war system did not venture openly to oppose the system of neutrality, which he knew to be the wish of the country. To have opposed it openly; to have declared, in plain terms, that we ought not to remain neutral, but to engage in the war, with finances so deranged, a government so imperfectly established, and a condition of affairs so unsettled, would, as he well knew, have disgusted and alarmed the people and ruined the project. He therefore acted with more art and address. He labored to the utmost to induce the President, not to decide himself upon the question of neutrality, but to convene Congress, and refer the decision to them. Why? Because it was known that a popular body, like Congress, was infinitely more susceptible of enthusiasm, more easily wrought on by management and intrigue, more obnoxious to the influence of popular clamor, mobs and venal presses, than the cool, deliberative councils of the President. It was also known, that in case of a reference to Congress, the neutral system would lose the aid of its author's talents, who was precluded, by his official station, from a seat in that body. To this point then, the author of the war system directed his force. He labored to convince the President, that it did not belong to him to decide the question of neutrality; but to Congress, to whom the constitution required it to be referred; and in this effort, it is well known that he was aided, to the utmost, by that description of people, who have, since that time, omitted no opportunity in their power of hurrying us into a war against England.

Fortunately, however, the President saw and avoided the snare. His sound judgment and penetrating discernment enabled him to perceive all the hazards of such a reference: his good sense prevented him from entertaining a doubt about his constitutional power to decide this question, and his firmness enabled

him to make and support the decision. The proclamation of neutrality accordingly appeared.

It no sooner made its appearance, than the war party and their chief raised an outcry against it, from one end of the continent to the other. The French minister, (Genet,) who arrived soon after, remonstrated; the popular societies formed under his auspices, published resolutions, and the venal presses, the principal of which was under the immediate direction of the author of the war system, poured forth abuse against the proclamation of neutrality, the minister who advised it, and the President by whom it was issued. In short, Mr. Chairman, no expedient, which disappointed intrigue and an artful, enraged spirit of party could devise, was omitted, for raising an universal, popular indignation against this proclamation of neutrality, and for preparing Congress to condemn and reverse it. The changes were rung from town to town, from state to state, and from one end of the union to the other, on pusillanimity, on national degradation, on ingratitude to France, on servile submission to England; and this proclamation was furiously assailed, with the very same weapons which we have since seen employed against the British treaty, justly considered as a part of the same system of neutrality.

The efforts of the friends of war and their chief, were, however, unavailing. The people of America, indeed, felt a warm and almost enthusiastic partiality for France, whom they considered as contending for liberty, and on this partiality the party founded strong hopes of success. But the good sense of the people enabled them to discern, that whatever might be their wishes for the success of France, the interests of their own country lay in preserving peace; and they gave, throughout the union, the most unequivocal proofs of approbation, to the proclamation of neutrality. When Congress met, this sentiment had become so strong and universal, that the war party did not dare to oppose it. The proclamation was approved of by Con

other, for a firm neutrality: and the at that time in the councils of the Pr ported these two opinions. The ad system did not venture openly to opp neutrality, which he knew to be the w To have opposed it openly; to have terms, that we ought not to remain gage in the war, with finances so de ment so imperfectly established, and fairs so unsettled, would, as he well k ed and alarmed the people and r He therefore acted with more art labored to the utmost to induce th decide himself upon the question o convene Congress, and refer the Why? Because it was known tha like Congress, was infinitely more thusiasm, more easily wrought on by intrigue, more obnoxious to the in clamor, mobs and venal presses, t berative councils of the President. that in case of a reference to Congre tem would lose the aid of its auth was precluded, by his official station, body. To this point then, the auth tem directed his force. He labore President, that it did not belong to question of neutrality; but to Cong Constitution required it to be referred it is well known that he was aided, that description of people, who have omitted no opportunity in their pow into a war against England.

Fortunately, however, the Presiden ed the snare. His sound judgment discernment enabled him to perceive of such a reference: his good sense from entertaining a doubt about his power to decide this question, and his fir

try; and to preclude our courts of justice from a cog

nce of prizes taken and brought in by vessels ar ing under French commissions was contended on part of France, that we ought to resist, by force, night chained by England, and cleach acknowle ed by the law of nations, to take the goods of les mis when found on board of our entreeks It discernment, M. Clair to that had they bee

the direction of our aff the bake of Ps and most instantly have induced 15 of

between us and England The was landerd by the war party and the body

lects they aided and supp 20 the stast of that po

alof which was poder the imeti of th uthor of the war system, pored f the proclamation of train, the mister ed it, and the President by bit short, Mr. Chairman, no expedient, which despite intrigue and an artful angel sport of party vise, was omitted for raising an univer dignation against this proclamation of send fr preparing Congress to condemn and seit The changes were ring from town to town from state to state, and from one end of the sim to the oder, on posllaninity, on national degradation, on is gratitude to France, on servle bon to England: and this proclamation was furiously assailed, with the very same weapons which we have since seen employ ed against the British treaty, justly considered as a part of the same system of neutrality. The efforts of the friends of war and their chi ee, however, unavailing The people of America deed, felt a warm and almost enthusiastic partiality in France, whom they considered as contending fr Berty, and on this partiality the party founded strong mes of sortes et the god sense of the people abled them to discern, that whatever might be the hes for the success of France, the interests of their try lay in preserving peace; and they gave, ut the union, the most unequivocal proofs of aim to the proclamation of neutrality. When Cope this sentiment had become so strong and the war party did not dare to op pose The potion was approved of by Co

gress, and the party and their chief once more had a hook put into their nose.

Though a second time disappointed, they did not, however, lose courage, nor abandon their schemes. But, as a system of neutrality had now been adopted, it was too late to talk of war; and the next step, therefore, was to explain this neutrality, in such a manner, as would render it, in effect, an alliance with France, and a state of hostility against England. This was attempted accordingly; but, as the author of the war system held an official station in the executive department, he could not openly appear in the attempt. The French minister came forward and advanced the pretensions, which it was the part of the other personage to second and support, in the President's council. A right was claimed on the part of France, to arm, fit and commission ships of war in our ports; to exclude British ships of war, under pretences which would have applied to every possible case; to enlist crews among our citizens; to raise armies in our country; and to preclude our courts of justice from all cognizance of prizes, taken and brought in by vessels acting under French commissions. It was contended on the part of France, that we ought to resist, by force, the right claimed by England, and clearly acknowledged by the law of nations, to take the goods of her enemies, when found on board of our neutral vessels. It requires no discernment, Mr. Chairman, to see that these pretensions, had they been agreed to, would have placed the direction of our affairs in the hands of France, and must instantly have induced a state of war between us and England. This was well understood by the war party; and, therefore, as every body recollects, they aided and supported the French minister, to the utmost of their power. These pretensions, indeed, were repelled by the President, who adopted a system wholly different, a system of national independence and fair neutrality; but it is well known to have been adopted contrary to the opinion and in spite of