1780, that is, about eighteen months ago, an or der was issued by the Congress for printing correct copies of the above pieces. Why the Congress directed a small number to be published, is not faid; only two hundred copies are expressed in their order, which were distributed, some months ago, to the principal men in America, and a few were fent over to Europe. One of these copies having fallen into the Editor's hands, he thinks the reprinting of it will not prove unacceptable to the public, as the Collection here mentioned may be confidered as the Magna Charta of the United American States, as the code of their fundamental laws, and in short, the book which the opposite parties among them will at all times claim in some shape or other, and the knowledge of which is therefore necessary to such perfons as wish to understand the present or future internal American politics.

In framing their respective Constitutions, each Colony has followed its own particular views ; from which it has resulted that their Governments are all different from one another. In the Colony of Pennsylvania, for instance, they have especially directed their endeavours, not only towards establishing public frugality, but also towards preventing too much power of any kind falling into the hands of any individual; while the Colony of Massachusetts have shewn in that respect much greater confidence, and have allowed the Governor of their Commonwealth a degree of power at least equal to that poffefsed by the Stadtholder, in the Dutch Government: only; he is to be chosen annually. In regard to the

State

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EDITOR'S ADVERTISEMENT.

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State of Rhode-Island, as they already formed,
before the American Revolution, a kind of in-
dependent Republic, through the ceffion that had
been made by Charles the Second to their Gover-
nor and Company, of all powers legislative, exe-
cutive, and judicial, they have continued to ad-
mit their original Charter as the rule of their Go-
vernment; and it has accordingly been inserted
among the Constitutions of the other United
States.

It may be remarked, in respect to the American Republican Governments; that they differ in two very effential points from the ancient Gre cian and Italian Commonwealths, as well as from the modern European ones, which were all framed on the model of these : One, is the circumstance of the People being represented, in the new American Republics; and the other, is the division of the Legislature into two distinct separate bodies, that takes place in them, and which they have adopted, as well as many other effential regulations, from the British form of Government.

The precedency among the different American
States, like that which obtains among the Helve-
tian Cantons and the Dutch Provinces, has not
been fettled from their respective degrees of
power and importance, but from the time of
their existence, and the dates of their charter.
The Treaty of perpetual Confederation between
them, which is inferted in this book, may be
confidered as the law, or_code, by which the
United States are intended to be consolidated into

one common Republic; and as the different par-
ticular

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ticular Conftitutions are to govern the different respective States, so the Treaty is the Constitution, or mode of Government, for the collective North-American Commonwealth. The copy of this Treaty, which is the most interesting part of the Collection, has accordingly been placed at the beginning of this new edition, together with the Declaration of Independence, which may be confidered as the ground-work of the whole present American political system. This disposition, which is that expressed in the order ifssued by the Congrefs, is also the most natural; and it has been rather improperly that the Committee appointed to form the Collection, have inferted these two pieces at the end of the book.

June 15, 1782.

W

IN CONGRESS

ASSEMBLED.

HEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necefsary for one people to diffolve the political bands which

have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the confent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and tranfient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are fufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and ufurpations, pursuing invariably

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riably the fame object, evinces a design to reduce them under abfolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off fuch government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great-Britain is a history of repeated injuries and ufurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an abfolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be fubmitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and neceffary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and preffing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his aflent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the fole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has diffolved representative houses repeatedly, for oppofing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused, for a long time after such diffolutions, to caufe others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercife; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulfions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither; and raifing the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his aflent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harrass our people and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legiflatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and fuperior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our conftitution, and un-acknowledged by our laws; giving his affent to their acts of pretended legislation:

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For