BOOK XIV.

:

Stamp Act imposed. Regency Bill. Marquis of Rockingham First Minister. Death of the Duke of Cumberland. Session of Parliament-Stamp Act repealed. Cider Tax modified, General Warrants declared illegal. Beneficial Regulations of Trade. Treaty of Commerce with Russia. Dismission of Lord Rockingham. Duke of Grafton First Minister. Mr. Pitt created Earl of Chatham, and Lord Privy Seal. Review of Indian Transactions. Tumults on account of the high Price of Provisions. Bill of Indemnity for the Embargo on Corn. Bill for suspending the Legislature of New York. New Project of American Taxation. East-India Rescinding Bill. Impolitic Reduction of the Land-tax. Death of Mr. Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer-Succeeded by Lord North. Death of the Duke of York-His Character. Changes in the Administration-Lord Chatham resigns. Affairs of Corsica. Nullum Tempus Bill. Irish Octennial Bill passed. Dissolution of Parliament. General Election productive of excessive Disorder.

1

THE parliament of England was convened at BOOK

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the usual period of the ensuing winter, and early in the year 1765, the question respecting American taxation was revived with redoubled warmth and vigor. The indulgence of the mi-Stamp act imposed. nister in deferring the imposition of the stamp duties till the present year, had not produced

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BOOK any advances towards an accommodation. The difference of principle occasioned by the agita1765. tion of this new and dangerous question, was in fact far too great to admit of any amicable compromise. Numerous petitions or memorials were transmitted from the different colonies, none of them expressly admitting, but the majority, on the contrary, positively denying, the right of the British legislature to impose any tax for the purpose of raising a colonial revenue, at the disposal of the British parliament, and payable into the British exchequer.

On the part of the colonists it was urged, that the claim of England was not only absolutely novel, but diametrically opposite to the spirit and letter of the English constitution, which has established as a fundamental axiom, that taxation is inseparably attached to representation; that as the colonies were not, and from local and political obstacles could not be, represented in the British parliament, it would be of the very essence of tyranny to attempt to exercise an authority over them, which from its very nature must lead to gross and inevitable abuse. For when Great Britain was in full possession of the power now contended for, could it possibly be imagined, when a sum of money for the supply of the exigencies of government was wanting, that the British parliament would not rather

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choose to vote that it should be paid by the BOOK colonists, than by themselves and their constituents?

In reply to the argument, which stated as highly reasonable that America should contribute her proportion to the general expence of the empire, it was said, "that America had never been deficient in contributing, at the constitutional requisition of the crown, in her own assemblies, to the utmost of her ability, towards the expences of the wars in which, conjointly with England, she had been involved; that, in the course of the last memorable contest, large sums had been repeatedly voted by parliament, as an indemnification to the colonies for exertions which were allowed to be disproportionate to their means and resources*; that the proper

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BOOK compensation to Britain for the expence of rearXIN ing and protecting her colonies, was the mono1765. poly of their trade, the absolute direction and regulation of which was universally acknowledged to be inherent in the British legislature." It was however clearly intimated, that a specific sum, in lieu of all other claims, might be obtained from the colonies, if accepted as a voluntary offering, not as a revenue extorted by a tyrannical and lawless force, which left them no merit in giving, and which might ultimately leave them nothing to give.

The argument or pretext which appeared to excite most indignation in the breast of the Americans, and of their advocates, was that which affected to deem them already represented; and as being, if not actually, yet virtually included in the general system of representation, in the same manner as that very large proportion of the inhabitants of the British island who have no votes in the election of members or representatives in the British parliament. "The very essence of representation," said

lions and a half had been incurred by America during the war; and this debt was far from being as yet liquidated. But it might be inferred from the conduct of the present ministry, that the most trivial revenue extorted from America was deemed preferable to the largest sums freely and voluntarily granted.

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America, "consists in this that the repre- BOOK sentative is himself placed in a situation analogous to those whom he represents, so that 1765. he shall be himself bound by the laws which he is entrusted to enact, and liable to the taxes which he is authorized to impose. This is precisely the case with regard to the national representation of Britain. Those who do, and those who do not elect, together with the elected body themselves, are, in respect to this grand and indispensable requisite, upon a perfect equality-that the laws made, and the taxes imposed, extend alike to all. Where then, in this case, is the danger of oppression, or where the inducement to oppress? But in the case of American taxation, these mock representatives actually relieve themselves in the very same proportion that they burden those whom they falsely and ridiculously pretend to represent. Where then, in this case, is the security against oppression; or where is the man so weak and prejudiced, as not to see the irresistible tendency of this system to oppression, however honest and upright candor would represent the intentions of those by whom it should be originally established?

It is painful to reflect, how little influence these clear and irrefragable reasonings had in an assembly so intelligent and dignified as that