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authority is the authority of the laws, and that BOOK
they reign over freemen, and not over slaves *."
Impressed by these considerations, the house 1766.
passed the bill with the amendment; and lord
Mansfield must be allowed for once, the honor to
have obtained the advantage over lord Chatham
on a constitutional question, and this merely in
the abstract; for that the measure was practically
right, no one pretended to dispute; but at this
crisis the enemies of lord Chatham were eager to
represent him as renouncing those principles to
which he owed his fortune and his fame.

Affairs of far greater importance occupied the 1767.
attention of parliament in the subsequent part
of the session. Though, in actual circumstances,
nothing could be more wise and seasonable than
the repeal of the stamp act by the late ministers,

* General Lee, in a letter written December 1766, to his correspondent the prince de * * *, says, "Lord Mansfield lately drew upon him the laugh of the house of lords, by making use of the term 'liberty of the subject,' and expressing great regard for it-Conway is still secretary of state, and much regarded as a man of ability and integrity-Lord Shelburne, the other secretary, has surpassed the opinion of the world; he speaks well, and is very distinct in office-The duke of Grafton is an absolute orator, and has a fair character -An Irishman, one Mr. Burke, is sprung up in the house of commons, who has astonished every body with the power of his eloquence, and comprehensive knowledge in all our exterior and internal politics."

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BOOK it is not to be imagined that this was a measure attended with no political inconvenience. Far 1767. from it; but in the dilemma to which they were unfortunately reduced, they adopted that line of conduct which justice and policy marked out, and which appeared incomparably the least of the two difficulties. By an egregious want of prudence and penetration, the government of Great Britain had attempted to carry into effect an odious and arbitrary measure, which, upon trial, it was found impossible, without involving the whole empire in scenes of bloodshed and confusion, to enforce. But as political power exists only by opinion, this project, however ruinous and absurd, could not be relinquished without exposing the legislative authority of Great Britain to the risk of at least a temporary degradation and diminution. By their success in this first instance of opposition and resistance, the Americans would be encouraged and incited (such is the nature of man) to dispute the authority of the mother country, when it happened to be in other instances exerted in a mode not agreeable to them, however necessary to maintain the just and constitutional subordination of the colonies. This was remarkably exemplified in the conduct of the assembly of the province of New York, who came to a resolution, that they would not regard the provisions

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of an act passed in the last session, by which BOOK they were required to supply the troops stationed in the province with necessaries in their 1767.

quarters.

of New

When this instance of disobedience and contumacy was laid before parliament, very rigorous measures of vengeance were urged by those whose violent councils had already been productive of so much mischief. But the present ministers, purposely avoiding all harsh and positive penalties, adopted a measure at once forcible and dignified, by enacting a law prohi- Bill for suspending the biting the governor, council, and assembly, of legislature New York to pass any act, till they had in every York. respect complied with the requisition of parliament. This in a short time produced the desired effect; and it afforded a demonstrative evidence, that the real and practical authority of Great Britain, wisely and temperately exerted, was fully equal to the purpose of maintaining that relation of superiority and dependence which indisputably ought to subsist between the head and the members of a great and widely-extended empire.

Happy would it have been for the world, had the present ministers discovered in all other parts of their conduct the same prudence and policy. But through some unaccountable fatality, or more probably, from the secret opera

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BOOK tion of that invisible and malignant influence which seemed perpetually to shed its poisonous 1767. and deadly dews over the political atmosphere*, the project was revived, incredible as it may seem, of drawing a revenue from America, in a mode not indeed in all respects analogous to that which had been so recently abandoned, but which, in her present irritable state of mind, equally served to rekindle those alarms and jealousies, which might reasonably be supposed rather allayed than extinguished. Mr. Charles Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer, in one of his vain and capricious moods (if his apparent levity of conduct is not rather to be at

tributed to a higher and less fortuitous source), New pro- boasted in the house of commons, "that he knew ject of American how to draw a revenue from the colonies with

taxation. out giving them offence." Mr. Grenville instantly

and eagerly urged this minister, yet in the noviciate of his office, to pledge himself to the execution of this fine project; which he hesitated not in the most decisive manner to do, general Conway, secretary of state, listening with silent astonishment. When this engagement came under subsequent discussion in the cabinet, it was most reluctantly assented to by the principal members of administration, who, however in

Faucibus effundens supera ad convexa ferebat." VIRGIL.

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1767.

dignant at the presumption of Mr. Townshend, BOOK neither dared entirely to break with a man whose parliamentary talents rendered him so necessary, or peremptorily to reject a project which was received by the house of commons with the most decided marks of approbation. Unfortunately, lord Chatham was not at this time capable of attending the cabinet councils, nor was he at all consulted, in his present state of health, by the ministers, on this or any other business. From this period, indeed, that nobleman perceived himself, or, from his excess of jealousy, fancied himself, to have become a mere cypher in the administration. His opinions, even after his partial restoration to a capacity for business, were, according to the general report and belief, over-ruled or disregarded; his person treated with rudeness and neglect; and having lost the confidence of the people, he now became the object of the contempt of the court.

In a remarkable debate which took place in the house of lords at a subsequent period*, lord Chatham expressed, without reserve, the sensations which he had experienced in the situation he now occupied. He spake in indignant terms of "the secret influence of an invisible power, of a favorite, whose pernicious counsels had