SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 23, 1833.

State, and, when thus applied, would no longer be a sub- defined objects of the federal constitution, or present ject of controversy; but in a State like New Hampshire- that continued collision between the National and State a State which has been too poor to run herself millions in Governments which must end in consolidation, anarchy, debt on splendid projects of roads and canals-a State and ultimate dissolution. I am of those, Mr. President, whose hardy yeomanry have contrived to make tolerably who believe that Congress is no less potent under the convenient roads and to improve the navigation of their powers expressly granted to it by the people of the States, rivers without either running the State, as such, in debt, or than the Legislatures of the States are by the powers grantasking Congress for appropriations in New Hampshire ed them by the people of each State. Rightly practised this appropriation of sixty thousand dollars annually-if, upon, there is a beauty and a harmony in our constituindeed, the whole proceeds of the public lands shall here- tion, forever assuring the liberties of the people. after give her this as a dividend-would go to turn our The framers of the constitution never intended that the State Government topsy-turvy. National Government should raise money to be distribut

The State would never consent that any portion of this ed among the State Governments, any more than they dividend should go for the purpose of colonizing free intended that the common funds of the General Governblacks in Africa. But if it was to be applied for objects ment should be dissipated in splendid projects of internal of internal improvement, there would be an annual scram- improvement. When Virginia ceded her title to the prebling in the Legislature that would keep up a constant sent States and territory north of the Ohio and east of the warfare between the different sections of the State. The Mississippi, as a "common fund" to discharge the debts West there would have an interest in making improve- of the revolution, could it be believed it was the intention ments, which would carry away the business from the of the terms of that compact that at any future time the East; the extreme North would turn her roads towards avails of those funds should be paid over directly by the the State of Maine, and the South would draw them to- General Government to the States of Massachusetts and wards Massachusetts; while the only seaport and commer. Connecticut? What was the State of Massachusetts is cial capital of the State would consider that she had a every year deriving much public revenue from the public claim that all the money should be extended to bring the land within her limits; the sums secured to the treasuries whole business of the State into her lap. The result of Massachusetts and Maine the present year for these pubwould be, that the strong would combine and deprive the lic lands amount to nearly three hundred thousand dolweak of their proportion of the benefits; that these bene- lars. This fact is announced in the messages of the Gofits would be unequal; that new expedients would be re- vernors of those two States to their Legislatures at the sorted to, to give the appropriations a different direction;

and that the State would be kept from year to year in a turmoil. Thousands of dollars of the dividend would be expended in useless legislation, in contriving ways and means to secure some portion of the money.

Projects of improvement would be started, involving a greater expenditure than the land fund would warrant. Some bridge, or road, or canal, which had been begun and under estimated-for what project of this kind, in its

present session.

Are Massachusetts and Maine attached to the union of these States? and can they insist that three millions of the common fund, collected from the avails of the public lands, shall be distributed among the States in the very year that they are deriving from the sales of the public lands within their limits a greater amount than what would be their share of the dividend? Does Connecticut insist on another annual slice to herself, who has a common school

incipient state, was ever estimated at half its cost? must fund of between one and two millions of dollars derived be completed: the land fund from Congress fails. The from public lands, which she claimed beyond her limits State must hire money, or raise additional sums to carry subsequent to the revolution? Cannot these three States the improvement on. Where credit is good, as that of a be satisfied with that disposition of the lands which are city, corporation, or State, loans may be effected, if not in left to the whole United States, that leaves them a comthis country, in Europe; and posterity may have entailed mon fund to pay the expenses incurred by the General upon it a perpetual tax to pay the annual interest on mo- Government in their purchase, survey, and management, ney applied to such improvements as will not afford even or to relieve the people of other burdens? Are these States a sufficient income to pay for their own repairs.

not willing that the public lands should at present go to

Is the land dividend applied to purposes of education? pay the million of dollars that are taken from the treasuIt will then be a matter of dispute whether it shall go to a ry to pay their revolutionary pensioners? Do they wish high school or a common school, to a college or an acad- to tax the whole consumption of the Union, the food and emy; to prepare the pupil for the pulpit or the bar; for clothing of the whole people of the United States, to pay surgery or physic; or whether males ex exclusively, or fe- their pensioners of the revolution, and at the same moment males, or both, shall be entitled to its benefits.

If, Mr. President, the amount of dividend was so much real gain to a State, the inconveniences that might arise from State legislation on this subject were not worthy to be named. But when it is considered that the State has to contribute its full share, and to pay a larger tax to fill the vacancy which the abstraction of this dividend has produced, "Folly, with her cap and bells," could not ap. pear more ridiculous than this project.

Are the State Governments to be reduced to abject dependence on the treasury of the nation? Are they to depend on the breath and the favor of the two branches of

snatch from the treasury, for their own benefit, the common fund set apart to pay the debt of the revolution?

This project for dissipating the avails of the public lands, I am happy to say, did not originate with either the Senators from Massachusetts, Maine, or Connecticut; but if the bill passes, it must pass by the votes of those Senators.

There is not one of the original States south of the Potomac which supports this bill. Does not the bill do great relative injustice to those States? Is the present a time to impose greater burdens on the people of the South than the ordinary expenses of the Government require? They consider this measure as intended for no other purpose

Congress? Are they to come here crouching for the than to fix permanently on them an additional tax to the means to enable them to educate their children, or to com- amount of their proportion of three millions of dollars;

plete some great public improvement, at the same time they are taxed in what they eat, drink, and wear, to fill up that vacuum in the national chest which has been pro duced by the donation? Do you call this a gift-a favor to any State?

It has become evident to my mind that we must either confine the legislation of the Federal Government to the

nay, sir, if it is intended in this additional tax of three millions to afford "protection" to the great manufacturing capitalists of the East, including the raised price of the articles protected, it may be the means of imposing on the people of the South their annual proportion of a tax of six, or ten, or even fifteen millions of dollars.

Can it be denied that the protection which has been JAN. 23, 1833.]

Public Lands.

[SENATE

held out as the greatest beauty of the "American system" After the money has been paid into the treasury, I can -that protection which involves the palpable contradic- see no difference between the avails of the sales of the tion of cheapening the article to the consumer, and at the public lands, and the money collected by impost. It is same time keeping up the profits of the manufacturer-- said, that by the constitution Congress have power to can it be denied that this protection is a principal object dispose of the public lands without any restriction, and of the bill under consideration? Why will gentlemen at that, if they can thus dispose of the lands, they can in like this time insist on a measure which adds fuel to the flame manner dispose of the avails of the lands. I presume those already glaring upon us in the South? Why will they in- who believe that we have so much money in the treasist on a new construction of the constitution-a construc-sury that we cannot deal it out too liberally, would make tion which Virginia and the whole South have combated no difference between the money brought into the treafrom '98 down to the present time--as a means of dissipat- sury from import duties, and that from the avails of the ing more funds of the Government, that further burdens public lands. They would as readily distribute the one may be imposed? Is this a time to make further innova- as the other among the several States. It does appear to tions on the constitution? Is this a time to commence new me, that the lands, in the first instance, ought to bear the projects? If gentlemen have a real attachment for the Union, they will now manifest that attachment by frowning on every measure calculated to increase the discontents of any portion of the Union.

expense of their own purchase and management; and that, until they do this, the avails of the public lands are as all other money paid into the treasury--that we have the same authority to dispose of all that we have of a part. The extinction of our national debt presents this nation We may grant lands or money for public improvements in an attitude to excite the admiration of the world: there in the vicinity of other lands, owned by the United States; is probably on record no other instance of the kind. Now and this has been liberally done by Congress, and expendis the favorable time to put that practical construction up-ed for cutting and grading roads for military purposes, or on the constitution which shall confine the Government for the purpose of facilitating settlements. But whenever within its acknowledged limits, and leave full scope for the lands have been taken up, and the country has bethe States to act in their several spheres. It will be im- come so much settled as that the inhabitants are able to possible that this Government shall go on, if Congress make their own roads, the United States should make no shall permanently assume powers which the framers of more grants. I would even submit to have the lands, bethe constitution never intended to grant; such, for in-longing to the United States, situated in any State, taxed stance, as the right to make unlimited appropriations for as similar lands are taxed in the hands of individuals, if internal improvements, for roads, bridges, and canals, by needs be. I would, at any time, at a fair price, sell out which the people of the several States are to be bought the lands to the States in which they are situated. I would,

up with their own money. If this power be contested, as I trust it will be, successfully, what shall we say of the right of Congress to divide any portion of the common funds of the country among the States for the same object?

A most decisive objection to the division of the proceeds

where it will at all facilitate settlements, reduce the price of public lands. I might even consent, as a matter of expediency, if the constitution would admit of it, by the common consent of all, to divide the lands among the several States, under regulations which should prevent improper speculations; but never would I place the public

of the public lands proposed by the bill, is its inequality. lands in a position tempting the cupidity of the several The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] has insisted that State Governments, and leading them to ask, as a favor the public lands are the common property of all the States from the General Government, what the General Govern-that each of the States is entitled to its full share. But ment has no right to give.

in a different part of his argument, he has told us that an It is said that, as the public debt has been paid, the Naequal proportion to the seven new States would be one-tional Government has no further occasion for the public sixth, and that the bill gives to these seven States, besides lands; that as they were granted for the specific purpose the five per cent. allowed them by the law already exist- of discharging the debt of the revolution, and that debt ing, nine hundred and sixteen thousand of the three mil- being now paid, the avails of the lands should go back to lions of dollars-nearly one-third of the whole amount! the several States. If the debt of the revolution has been And this is not all: half a million of acres of land are to be discharged, how much have the public lands done towards granted to three of these new States, in addition to the it? They have scarcely yet paid the expenses of purchase seventeen per cent. which they already have over and

above the old States.

and management. The revolutionary debt has been discharged by taxes drawn directly from the pockets of the people. Nay, sir, the debt has not yet been discharged: millions are yet to be paid annually to revolutionary pen

It will be remembered that the proceeds of the sales of the public lands were not as much during the year 1832, as they were in 1831. In the last named year, they sioners, for which the people of the United States must amounted to $3,557,023 76. In the first three quarters of be taxed if this fund is diverted from the treasury. And 1832, they were $1,904,467 57, being a proportion of even when the last man of the revolution shall have paid half a million less than in the preceding year. Now take the debt of nature, this land fund, until it shall make up the last year as the rate for five years to come, and let it the whole amount of revolutionary ionary debt for which impost be borne in mind (as the Senator from Missouri [Mr. BEN- and other duties have been laid, will be as sacred a pledge TON] has assured us) that it now costs the treasury nearly to the public treasury for the discharge of that debt as it a million of dollars a year to discharge the public obliga- ever has been.

tions on account of Indian treaties, and half a million more It is said, if some disposition be not immediately made of to manage these public lands--how much more than the the public lands, the States in which they are located will sum actually drawn out of the treasury for the manage- claim and take possession of them; that they will be strong ment and purchase of the public lands will be divided enough in Congress in a few years to appropriate them among the old States, as their part of the proceeds of the for their own benefit. Of this I have no fears. The sales? Very little, if any. And will it not be a glorious new States of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee are operation-worthy of renowned statesmen--to tax the already with the old States in opposition to this project of people of the United States two or three millions of dol- the States taking to themselves all the lands within their Lars for the purpose of dividing that sum in a most unequal limits; and it will be but a few years before Louisiana, and unjust ratio between the several States?

"The King of France, with twenty thousand men,
March'd up the hill, and then march'd down again."

Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, and even Missouri, will have the same interest in preventing such a disposition of the public lands as have the elder States. Continue to dis

SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 23, 1833.

pose of the public lands within their borders for a few roads and canals, in harbor and light-house bills, and bills years, and each of these States will look to their interest for the improvement of the navigation of rivers, or for in the vast regions of the West and North as of greater the benefit of the District of Columbia. A hundred milmoment than what shall remain within their limits. There lions a year would scarcely suffice if all the expenditures never will be danger of the new States uniting to wrest asked for internal improvements shall be granted. A from the Union their property in the public lands.

Virginia gentleman, not of this House, tells the Eastern

It has been said in debate, [by Mr. CHAMBERS,] that this members of Congress that our true policy is, "to keep

bill has been hailed in all parts of the country as a measure of justice, and that it "is a just and equal distribution." Just so far, and no farther, has this bill been applauded as the "American system," and the desire to keep up the duties on articles of consumption at the highest point have found favor. The Legislature of Vermont, in the fear that her iron manufactures will not be protect

the tariff as high as possible, and to throw off the whole treasury surplus on internal improvements." If this policy shall be adopted, I concede that three millions of dollars, the amount of the sales of the public lands taken from the treasury, will make no difference in the taxes on imports. Mr. President, the sentiment and voice of the State I represent, as expressed by the present Legislature-and

ed if an enormous duty shall not be continued on that that is but the echo of the sentiment of her Legislature article, necessary for the comfort and the sustenance of the and Chief Magistrate in the year 1822-is, "that the poor as well as the rich, has passed resolutions in favor of constitution of the United States has not vested in Conthis land bill. An attempt was made to steal through the gress the right to adopt and execute, at the national exLegislature of New Hampshire resolutions to the same pense, a system of internal improvements;" "that the effect the last evening of its last session; but the resolu- tariff of duties on imports ought to be so modified, if postions were voted out of the House by nearly two to one. sible, a due regard being had to all the interests of the The legislators of that State had not forgotten that their country, that the receipts from them and the other

predecessors, so long as June 22, 1821, had resolved that "any partial appropriation of the public lands for State purposes is a violation of the spirit of our national compact, as well as the principles of justice and sound policy."

How "just and equal" the distribution by this bill is, may be gathered from the fact that seven of the Western

sources of revenue into the treasury of the United States shall not greatly exceed the ordinary annual expenses of the Government."

"Protection of American industry"-" the protective system the settled policy of the country," and other cant phrases of similar import, are the talismanic words which have led on this Government to the verge of dissolution.

States receive in cash nearly double the proportion of the If the onerous taxation imposed by the tariff laws of 1824 old States. They come here to drive a great bargain. and 1828 ever can protect American industry, all the The "bounty" of the State of Mississippi, besides her good is to come hereafter, for none of it has yet arrived. advanced dividend in cash, is half a million acres of land The effect of those two laws has been oftener to paralyze -equal at least in value to six hundred and twenty-five than to protect American industry. The true protection thousand dollars. The State of Mississippi "thanks" the to American industry is to lessen as much as possible the honorable Senator who framed the bill for giving her so expenses of the consumption of labor; and these expenses much; yet Mississippi wants more, if the Senator, in the can be lessened in no way more effectually by the Govplenitude of his great kindness, will yield to her more: ernment than by reducing the duties on every consumaand what does not the measure owe to the State of Missis- ble article. When was there a time in which good worksippi for the favor it has received in this House? Surely, men, as hatters, shoe-makers, saddlers, harness-makers, if Mississippi has been liberally patrònized in the bill at blacksmiths, carriage-makers, cabinet-makers, joiners, the expense of her elder sisters, she has paid for it. I and all other trades requiring skill in those who work at think it was said [by Mr. POINDEXTER] if this measure them, and perform the chief of all the labor, did not meet should be delayed three years, "the bargain to Mississippi with encouragement in this country? Has the business of would not be worth a brass farthing;" the best lands would, any of these been bettered by a severe tariff? Some of before that time, be all selected, and the remainder would them have had a protection of twenty-five or thirty per

not be valued at ten cents the acre.

cent. by the late tariff laws; but nobody could see that

Mississippi will have driven an excellent bargain for they were any better off after than before such laws herself if she obtains the boon offered her by the bill the passed. They have undoubtedly been injured, in common present year; if it be delayed three years, she will then with all the other producing classes, by severe taxation on be no better off than her sister States-the excellent their articles of consumption. A wealthy carriage-maker Choctaw or Cherokee lands will then all be taken up. But in Connecticut annually exports carriages to a large what right has Mississippi to claim an extraordinary favor amount to Mexico, at a great profit; but his profits and the as to the lands? She does not admit that reducing the value of the labor he employs would be even greater if price of public lands will assist the poor; she says it ope- his carriages were not enhanced by the heavy duties on rates not hardly on the new States that large sums are iron, lace, cloth, varnish, &c. which enter into their combrought from them into the treasury from the sales of position.

public lands-not worse upon them than if individuals What is the intention of protecting the article of woolcame among them and purchased stocks of horses, cattle, lens? Is it not to shut out foreign woollens? Why do not or any thing else. Yet she comes here to claim bounties the owners of manufactories encourage American manuover and above the other States, two to one in a dividend factures, by their personal example? Are not nine out of cash proceeds of the public lands, and a setting out of of ten of the rich manufacturers of the North clothed in half a million of acres of the best lands besides.

Gravely it is urged here that the abstracting of the nett proceeds of public lands from the treasury will make no difference in the amount of taxes on imports. I grant that

British and French woollens? Are there less foreign woollens worn now than there were prior to the tarif laws of 1828? The only difference seems to be, that the poor and laboring people, who purchase all their woollen clothing,

it will not, if the splendid policy prevails which has been cannot obtain it as cheap in proportion as they do other urged on us with so much vehemence during the present articles. Is it any protection to a laborer who supports a and the last sessions. There is no conceivable amount of family of children, that a yard of woollen flannel costs taxes that will not be swallowed up, if not in bills for twice as much as it should cost? The protection which the • Vide the speech of Mr. Poindexter, and his efforts in favor of the great mass of the consumers, both North and South, most

JAN. 23, 1833.]

Public Lands.

[SENATE.

desire, is, that the tariff may be reduced to the exigencies It is for the reason that this tariff system is a system of of the Government; and this is the only "settled policy of deception both to the North and to the South, holding out the country" to which they will ever willingly submit. to the one a protection and advantage which they never

Sir, the bill on your table has for its object a preven- realize, and seeming to oppress and injure the other betion of the reduction of the tariff; it is intended to create yond their ability to endure, that I am in favor of making a necessity for continuing an amount of taxation on im- the import duties on all imported articles as equal as possiports equal to the money divided. It comes before us ble, and of bringing all of them down to that lowest point at a time the most inauspicious; it is calculated to lashand at which an economical administration may place it. This exasperate the discontents of our brethren of the South, is the American system which alone will restore harmony who are really oppressed beyond the people of the North to the country; this is that "settled policy of the country" so far as onerous and severe taxation on imports go to ope- which ought now to be established, which the intelligent rate on them. So equivocal is this term "protection," yeomanry of the nation will have established, and will not when applied to our tariff, that it is really a matter of again soon suffer to be disturbed. doubt whether the manufacturer or the consumer of the I have seen resolutions (introduced by A. H. Everett, article manufactured is protected. At one time it is said late minister to Spain) which have just passed the Senate that the article has been reduced in price by the competi- of Massachusetts, without debate, deprecating any diminution at home, which the shutting out competition from tion of the tariff-a Senate, every member of which is of abroad has encouraged. If this were true, why do we find one political party. These resolutions are from the same all the prominent protected articles still imported? and if mint as have been other proceedings of the same party in none were imported, what benefit does it create to the that State, which were intended to break up the foundations manufacturer? How can reduced prices protect him? We of the Union. They falsely predict the "ruin and bankare told that if the duty shall be taken off, the price of the ruptcy of thousands" of their citizens, if the tariff shall be article will be raised. This is as much as to say that the reduced, and that the "whole prosperity of the country duty taxed does not enter into the price of the article. If will be materially affected;" they say it will be improper not, where is the protection afforded by the tax? To cap for Congress even to consider of the subject, while South the climax of the absurd dogmas relating to "protection," Carolina "threatens to secede from the Union," and that it is said the manufacturers will be ruined by a reduction now to proceed to this subject would "wear upon the of those duties, which neither contribute to raise the price face of it the aspect of submission." They even go so far or shut out of the market the foreign article coming in as to say that a reduction of the tariff would be such "a competition with the articles they shall manufacture.

gross and palpable abuse of power in the Government, as

An idea seems to prevail, pretty extensively, that no es- would justify the States and citizens aggrieved by it in sential interest of the country can be injured if the high any measures which they might think proper to adopt for tariff is continued on all foreign articles coming in compe- the purpose of obtaining redress!" Here is nullification tition with those which can be manufactured in our own threatened from another quarter, if Congress shall at this country. This is a great mistake; for by so much as any time dare to equalize the revenue system, so that it shall particular article of manufacture is protected by the im- operate equally on all parts of the country, and bring position of such duties, does the consumer of that article down the tax on imports to the wants of the Government. have money drawn directly from his pocket, without any The same resolutions mention the "unexpectedly large equivalent whatever. If the duty does not shut out en- and satisfactory majority" by which the tariff bill of July, tirely the imported article, the whole amount of the duty 1832, passed. The report which accompanies these resoenters into the price paid by the consumer; the price of lutions says: "It (the tariff bill of last summer) was protection is paid only to the country so far as it is paid adopted by an unusually large and gratifying majority, on the imported article; the additional price paid to the composed of the moderate men of all parties;" that it was home manufacturer is of no benefit whatever to the trea- made with "much labor and caution;" that it "was consury, and, by a mere arbitrary act of legislation, takes the structed on the professed principle of compromise, with a money from the man who has earned it, to give it to another who has not earned it. Such is the absurdity, the injustice of what is called the protective system. If it is in any degree the protection contended for by the manufacturers, certainly it is the most rank and foul injustice to those who are compelled to pay the bounty to the manu- not then told--was not the Senator from Pennsylvania

facturers; it is such injustice as fully justifies the South in protesting against the system, and such, being equally pernicious to their interests, as will bring down the consumers of the North to unite in prostrating the system.

view of satisfying, by every reasonable concession, the discontents of the South."

You must well recollect, Mr. President, the kind spirit of concession the "moderate men" exhibited when the tariff bill of last summer passed this House. Were we

nearest me [Mr. WILKINS] then reproached from Massachusetts (by Mr. WEBSTER,) with having secured protection for the iron of his own State, while, consenting to that small reduction on woollens which had passed the House of Representatives by a "gratifying majority, composed of the moderate men of all parties," he had forever prostrat

But, from the best lights I have been able to obtain on this subject, I have good reason to believe that both the South and the North have been somewhat mistaken as to ed the woollen manufactures of the North? Were not the extent of the operation of the tariff. As it thus far has both the Senators from Pennsylvania [Mr. WILKINS] notoriously failed to protect the laborers and mechanics and New Jersey [Mr. DICKERSON] who were on the employed in the manufactories; as neither the tariff of Committee of Conference between the two Houses, ac1824 nor that of 1828 prevented the failure of nearly cused of having deserted and betrayed the great manuevery small manufacturer at the North; as goods manufac-facturing interests, by consenting to the bill as it had actutured in foreign countries, and even wool raised in foreign ally passed?

countries, have been introduced into this country as ex- As a commentary on the ruin predicted of the woollen tensively since those goods were protected by the high interest in Massachusetts, I will say, that on my way here tariff as they were before; so it may be said that the tariff I passed through that State. On an inconsiderable stream has not afforded that protection which had been promised of water, since I had passed the year before, a canal had by its friends. For the same reason has it neither operat- been dug, carrying the channel of water some hundreds ed so much to the injury of the South, who have not of rods out of that which nature had formed; a brick ediwithout apparent cause complained of it. The South has not been more injured, than the North has been benefited, by the operation of the tariff.

fice, some hundred or more feet in length, and three or more stories high; a large brick store, (full of goods,) and other buildings, had just been erected. I was sur

prised to find that this new and extensive establishment, erected principally since the Senator from Pennsylvania had "betrayed and sacrificed the woollen interest" of the North, was a woollen establishment, and was owned by a gentleman or gentlemen of Boston, who understood their

[JAN. 23, 1833.

Mr. MOORE moved that the Senate do now adjourn.Lost-yeas 16, nays 23.

Mr. BUCKNER then moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill until to-morrow, in order that the Senate might proceed to the consideration of executive

own interests quite as well as the gentleman who repre- business. Also lost-yeas 17, nays 24.

sents their interests on the floor of Congress. The own- Mr. MOORE, of Alabama, then said, that having on a ers of this extensive factory were well aware not only former occasion given his views in opposition to the origithat the duty on woollens had been reduced, but they nal bill, and in favor of the principle embraced by the knew that the general sentiment through that part of the amendment under consideration, he should not have country was, that woollens must and would be further re- thought it necessary to submit any additional views at duced. All this did not prevent, them from investing this time, except for the very wide range and extraortheir capital in a new and extensive woollen establishment. dinary course which had been pursued in the proseThey will tell you they had rather the duties on woollens cution of this discussion; and even now, said he, I would would remain as they are; but, if they be candid and in- not think myself excusable, were I to occupy more than a genuous men, they will likewise admit to you that a substantial permanent protection of twenty or twenty-five per cent. duty will be quite as sure a protection as a protection of fifty per cent. operating as a bounty on smuggling, and actually bringing millions of foreign woollens into the country without the payment of any duty whatever.

few moments of the time of the Senate.

But (said Mr. M.) there have dropped from gentlemen on both sides of this question some pointed remarks, in reference to the position which the new States occupy, connected with it, which I think deserve a passing notice.

The honorable Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. GRUNDY,] I have noticed the resolutions of Massachusetts to show who, upon this, as upon other occasions, has made an able you that we have a class of men at the North who not only effort, and addressed to the Senate an argument, which, act in a spirit calculated to goad on the South to resistance in the main and general, I heard with great pleasure and and civil war, but who are ready now, as they were in the satisfaction, yet, I think, in that portion of his argument days of the Hartford Convention, to justify "any measure predicated upon the supposed demand made by the new

which they may think proper to adopt for the purpose of obtaining redress," and who would actually place the country in that dilemma, where to take any step will bring down upon this Government the vengeance of one or other section of the Union. It seems to have been the design of the ultras on both hands--and in this, up to the present time, there has been a wonderful concert-that nothing should be done calculated to soothe and satisfy the country.

expression of censure from several gentlemen for this supposed heresy.

States for the surrender of the public domain within their limits, he has been disingenuous, and done great injustice (unintentionally, I have no doubt) to the State which I have the honor, in part, to represent. [Here Mr. GRUNDY rose and asked leave to explain, and stated that he had no design to apply his remarks to the State of Alabama particularly.] I am aware (said Mr. M.) that the gentleman's remarks were general; similar remarks have been made by others, and I have thought it my duty to exone Mr. President, the bill under consideration is intimately rate the State from any censure cast upon her from any connected with the tariff. The people of the North, a quarter. Upon a former occasion, I expressly disclaimed, large majority of the people in the State which I repre- in behalf of my constituents, any such views or inclination sent, abominate that system which makes an increase of whatever; it was, therefore, with regret that I heard this the public burdens indispensable; they do not want such protection as can be given them only at the expense and to the injury of others. They had rather see their large manufacturers come down to a level of the lowest protected interest, than to see the Union endangered by the im- can system. True, this has been denied, and pains taken position of unequal burdens. They will support now, as to show it has no such connexion. But I am compelled they supported during the embargo and war, the revenue to think we have great reason to believe the position to be laws; they will not consent that South Carolina now, any well founded, though much labor has been bestowed to more than Massachusetts in 1809 and 1815, shall nullify disguise its true character. Sir, it proposes to continue the laws. They will disdain to be bribed into high taxa- the same rate of taxation (for I can call it by no other tion by an annual douceur to their State treasury, for name) as regards the public lands, upon seven of the granting which, in the spirit of vassals, the several States new States, for the purpose of raising annually three milwill be bound to "thank" and kiss the hand that bestows it. lions of dollars to be distributed among the whole twentyFor myself, Mr. President, I had rather the few thou- four States; and by a ratio which does great injustice to sand dollars which I possess in a manufacturing establish the new States, notwithstanding the outward show of liment should be sunk to the bottom of the sea, than to see berality it exhibits.

Mr. President, this measure has been characterized by others as intimately connected with the miscalled Ameri

-not the Union rent in twain, for that "must and will be Sir, I object to the terms of distribution. Why adopt preserved"-but a spirit of hostility between the different the arbitrary ratio of representation in the popular branch sections of the country engendered and perpetuated in the of the National Legislature? Why not say that each repeated attempts of the stronger to take advantage of the State shall have an interest in this fund according to their weaker. To the threats of any State holding herself in a representation on this floor? This would not do more menacing attitude towards this happy Union, believing, as than equal justice to the new States, who, having been I may, that she has been impelled by politicians whose mo- recently admitted into the federal family, are more destitives are any thing but commendable, I would not yield tute of means and resources, and of course have more an inch; so neither would I be prevented from prosecuting claims upon the General Government for that liberality a course of right and justice to other patriotic States, be- which a dutiful offspring would have a right to expect cause such a process would disarm the refractory even of from a benign parent.

a pretext for doing wrong. The bill for dividing the pro- Mr. President, I must be permitted to say, that I think ceeds of the public lands, inasmuch as it will furnish occa- the opposition to the liberal provisions in favor of the sion for continuing millions of taxes on imports which new States come with a very bad grace from the quarter might otherwise be dispensed with, inasmuch as it is one in which it has emanated. It emanates from a quarter of the means to keep up a system calculated to promote from whence there have been no liberal contributions to public discontent, and even threatens bloodshed and civil what gentlemen have been pleased to call "a common war, has my decided disapprobation. stock," while Georgia has transferred to the United States