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JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. or R.

pendence is but a name-full of sound, but meaning for reducing us either to a dependence on that nation, nothing. or be clothed in skins, and live like wild beasts in My first inquiry shall be, was this system established in dens and caverns. I am proud to say I am not one of wisdom at the beginning? Preliminary, however, to an- them."

swering this question, I will state a fact which is matter Thus, Mr. Chairman, you see Mr. Jefferson, the great of well authenticated history, and will not be disputed by founder of republicanism, was decidedly in favor, not any body. It is this: There is no nation which has reach- only of protecting duties, but even of prohibition. I ed any degree of eminence, in either agriculture, com- hope his professed followers here, (and gentlemen must merce, or manufactures, but has had the protective sys- excuse me for qualifying the term, for I do not believe tem incorporated into their laws. England, as I will show any gentleman, who is opposed to protecting American in the sequel, protects her home industry by a duty upon industry, is a true disciple of Thomas Jefferson,) I say, I all our principal staples, which excludes them almost en- hope his professed followers here will note this fact, that tirely from her markets. But more of this after a while. Thomas Jefferson, from whom they all pretend to have The question now is, was the system of protecting our imbibed their political creed, was himself a high, yea, an own farmers and mechanics a wise one at the beginning? ultra protectionist. He felt and expressed himself as every I think I need state but a few of the names and opinions American should.

of those who founded it, to ensure the ready assent to the affirmative of this proposition by every true American. At the head of my list stands proudly pre-eminent the father of his country.

As early as December, 1796, General Washington used the following short and pithy interrogatory, by way of asserting a proposition:

"Ought our country to remain dependent on foreign supply; precarious, because liable to be interrupted?"

Mr. Madison, in 1809, held this language:

"That it is not unworthy of reflection, that the arbitrary edicts of contending nations to obstruct our trade with them, have, so far, abridged our means of procuring the productions and manufactures of which our own is now taking their place."

In his message of 1815 he said:

"There is no subject which can enter with greater force into the deliberations of Congress, than a consider

Even at this early period of our history, General Wash-ation of the means to preserve and promote the manuington saw and felt the importance of being independent factures which have sprung into existence in the United of foreign Powers for every thing that was essential to States during the European wars."

our comfort or prosperity. He saw that, when we pur- So you see, sir, Mr. Madison thought that no subject sued nothing but agriculture and commerce, it was liable could enter with greater force into the deliberations of to be interrupted in a thousand ways; war, for instance, Congress. What higher commendation could he bestow or any other whim of the monarchs with whom we were upon the "American system," than this? None. He carrying on commerce, would put an end to it, and we had seen our commerce driven from the ocean. He had should be thrown back upon our own resources, wholly seen our ships rotting in our docks, and our corn and unprepared for the shock. He saw, under this system of wheat rotting in our granaries. He saw us destitute of free trade, as it is now called, that, for months, and for many of the necessaries of life. He had seen our soldiers years at a time, our vessels would be compelled to lay at in the late war freezing for the want of blankets and anchor, and our agricultural products to rot in our barns. other necessary clothing. These were lessons of expeHow was this distressing state of things to be avoided? rience which he has never forgot.

Why, by establishing the "American system," of making In 1821 Mr. Monroe recommended the subject to every thing within ourselves, and always taking care to Congress; and in his message to this body, in 1823, he sell more than we bought; by diversifying employment; said:

by withdrawing a part of our capital and labor from com- "I recommend a review of the tariff, for the purpose merce and agriculture, and devoting it to home manufac- of affording such additional protection to those articles tures; thereby furnishing ourselves with the necessaries of which we are prepared to manufacture, or which are life, and at the same time creating a steady home market more immediately connected with the defence and indefor a vast amount of agricultural products. Thus we pendence of our country."

a

should be wholly independent of all foreign Powers; and Now, sir, I have given you the opinions of four of the unless we could carry on commerce with them upon prin- most illustrious citizens that this or any other country ciples of equality, we would not carry it on at all. Their has ever produced. And what is remarkable, they were wars and revolutions might rage with the utmost fury, all born south of the Potomac; were all raised, and lived, we could still carry on our system; but, upon the other and died, south of the Potomac. After this, sir, that principle, every little disturbance in Europe produced the "American system" should meet with opposition distress and ruin here. Mr. Jefferson said, in 1808: south of the Potomac, and, especially, that it should "The suspension of our commerce, [just as General meet with opposition in old Virginia, to me is matter of Washington had said it would be,) produced by the in- profound astonishment, and, unaffectedly, I say, of deep justice of the belligerent Powers, and the consequent regret.

losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just I have shown the committee now what the opinions of concern. The situation into which we have been forced, these distinguished citizens were from time to time. I has compelled us to employ a portion of our industry and will now show you what was Virginia sentiment among capital to internal manufacturing improvements; and little the bulk of the people at home.

"HENRICO, June 25, 1808.

doubt remains, that the establishments formed, and form

[From the Virginia Argus.]

ing, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become per

manent."

In 1816, he wrote to a friend thus:

"I shall be troublesome to you, I fear, if I were to write half what I think ought to be said on the subject of 'American manufactures."

"That, to be independent for the comforts of life, we

"At present I will only say, that if the President of

must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the the United States, the heads of the departments, the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The grand Governor, councillors of the State, judges and lawyers, inquiry now is, shall we make our own comforts, or go the members of both Houses of Congress, and of the without them, at the will of a foreign nation? He, there- State Legislature, would publicly wear clothes of Amefore, who is now against domestic manufactures, must be rican manufacture,' their example would be followed by

H. or R.

The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 24, 1833. every citizen who is not a hardened tory, and who would tacle of this day was the large number of Virginia cloth well deserve a full suit of British broadcloth, well 'tarred suits which adorned [mark, sir, they adorned] the persons and feathered.' of our citizens. It was a badge for the consolation and "AN ASSOCIATOR OF '74." encouragement of the belligerent Powers of Europe. I will read you now, sir, an extract of an address of Upon this homespun, enthusiasm and the spirit of indeCharles Magill, L. A. Washington, and others, to the far- pendence have stamped all the value, all the pride of ormers of Frederick county: nament. Many of their manufactures, although obtained "Farmers: We propose to have a meeting on the 4th at a very short notice, were handsome specimens of what of July, at ten o'clock, at Mr. Baldwin's wool factory, our skill is competent to accomplish. When the use of near Perkins's mills, in this county, for the purpose of our own cloth shall become the fashion of the State, as forming some plan for improving the breed of sheep. it is rapidly becoming, the wheels and looms of Virginis The golden opportunity of taking this first step towards will not be deficient in the fineness and elegance of Euthe encouragement of domestic manufactures, ought cer-ropean fabrics."

tainly to be embraced by all those Americans who value Now, sir, after all this, who can doubt the paternity of the independence of their country."

I will now read an extract or two from a fourth of July celebration in Goochland county.

The company were generally dressed in Virginia cloth. Among the regular toasts was the following:

"Domestic Manufactures.--They well co-operate with our republican system to perpetuate the blessings of independence."

This, sir, was a regular toast; and the understanding is, on such occasions, that a regular toast expresses the sentiment of the whole company.

The next extract which I shall read, is a very high and very just compliment paid to my distinguished friend from Massachusetts, who sits before me. I make this

ment:

the "American system?" Is it not old Virginia's legiti mate offspring? If she has a descendant upon the face of the earth, this is one. She conceived it--she brought it forth.

Now, if Washington had wisdom and love of country, then this system was founded in wisdom and love of coun try. If Jefferson had wisdom and love of country, then this system was built up, and carried to its present height, by wisdom and love of country. In short, if Madison, if Monroe, if the whole shining constellation of Virginia statesmen, who gave her the elevated standing which she once had, were endowed with wisdom and virtue, then this system was founded in wisdom and virtue. But, sir, for the sake of argument, I will suppose that

extract not in the spirit of a parasite to flatter my friend, it was originally founded in error, and that it has been but I do it to show that, in those days of true American left to us, in 1833, to find it out. What shall now be feeling in Virginia, she could admire and bear witness to done? Will it be either wise or honest in us to abolish it, talent and virtue wherever found, even on the north of and to abolish it without premeditation or consultation the Potomac. They, on the occasion referred to, usher with our constituents? For, sir, I have met with no man in the name of my honorable friend with this senti- who has had the hardihood to say that, when he left home, his constituents expected that this question would "John Quincy Adams. So long as the Temple of Li- be agitated at this session. Even supposing, for arguberty is worshipped in America, may the part he acted ment's sake, that the system had been conceived in error, while in the Senate of the United States be hailed with I say it would be unwise and dishonest in us now to rapture and delight." abolish it. In order to ensure a universal concurrence The following toast is taken from the fourth of July in this position, I think I need but state a few leading celebration in Mecklenburg: facts.

"The manufacturing genius of our countrymen. The The laws which have been passed by Congress were wrongs of Britain first roused it; the aggressions of intended to invite men of capital and of skill to embark France will continue it; and the patriotism of our citizens in this business. I say the laws were intended to invite will reward it."

them; and at every consecutive step which we have made, We are now about to "reward it," by prostrating it the faith of the nation was most solemnly pledged that and them at the feet of British power, and by sending they should be protected against foreign competition. their wives and children beggars upon a cold and uncha- Under these oft repeated pledges, the capital, the ritable world. Yes, sir, I feel authorized to say, that, if skill, and labor of our most patriotic and worthy citizens this bill pass, it will work the complete overthrow and have been embarked to a very large amount.

ruin of the whole system, which has been gradually build- The aggregate capital which is now vested in domes ing up ever since the foundation of the republic.

At the celebration in Amelia, I find the following most followi excellent sentiment among the general toasts:

"Domestic Manufactures. Without them no nation can be truly independent."

The next toast which I will read pays to my friend another, and, if any thing, a higher compliment than that

tic manufactures is, at least, two hundred and fifty millions. To destroy this capital alone, without considering any of its attendant evils, would produce a shock upon society that would be felt-convulsively felt--from oтве extremity of this Union to the other. But I will proceed with some additional facts. And I will take this occasion to say, that my most material facts are derived from the

which I have previously read. It ascribes to him (and I reports of the New York convention. These facts have, verily believe most justly) a cardinal virtue in a politician, for some time, been before the public. They are the re and which I regret much to say, sir, so few possess in sult of patient examination made by our own citizens, not

these times:

foreigners, whose opinions I have heard read upon this "John Quincy Adams. -The patriot who preferred his floor to teach us political economy. No, sir! I will not country to his party: the passing cloud will make his get our rivals in England to give me advice. I choose tu brightness more conspicuous and valued." take it from our own citizens, who are perfectly familiar

I have no doubt but this will be the judgment of pos- with the whole business. The facts which these intell terity-the high eulogium which they will pass upon his gent and responsible American citizens have put forth, whole political life-"He preferred his country to his and signed with their own names, have never, that I have party."

The next and only extract which I will read is from the Richmond Enquirer of July 5, 1808:

"Yesterday was celebrated in this city with its customary honors. One of the most striking parts of the spec

seen or heard, been controverted in one jot or tittle. If they are not true, and can be controverted, I should be much pleased to hear some gentleman do so upon this floor.

The first branch of American industry to which I will

JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. oF R.

call the attention of the committee, is that of iron. My average, at least 500 dollars more than in England, owfirst business under this head will be to show that the duty ing to the cheapness of iron in Great Britain. It is still on foreign iron has not raised the price to the consumer, but that it has caused a very considerable reduction.

STATEMENT С,

Showing the effects of a tariff of protection on the article of iron at Pittsburg and Cincinnati.

In the years 1818, '19 and '20, bar iron in Pittsburg sold at from 190 to 200 dollars per ton. Now the price is 100 dollars per ton.

In the same years, boiler iron was 350 dollars per ton. Now at 140 dollars per ton.

Sheet iron was but little made in those years, and sold for 18 dollars per cwt. Now made in abundance, and sold at 8 dollars per cwt.

Hoop iron, under same circumstances, was then 250 dollars, and is now 120 dollars.

Axes were then 24 dollars per dozen, and are now 12 dollars.

Scythes are now 50 per cent. lower than they were then--as are spades and shovels.

Iron hoes were in those years 9 dollars per dozen. Now a very superior article of steel hoes at 4 to 44 dollars.

Socket shovels are made at 44 dollars by the same individual who, a few years ago, sold them at 12 dollars per dozen.

Slater's patent stoves, imported from England, sold in Pittsburg at 350 to 400 dollars. A much superior article is now made there, and sold for 125 to 150 dollars.

English vices then sold for 20 to 224 cents per lb. Now Braziers' rods in 1824 were imported, and cost 14 cents per lb. or $313 60 per ton. Now supplied to any amount of to diameter, at 130 dollars per ton.

a superior article is sold at 10 to 10.

Steam engines have fallen in price since 1823 one-half, and they have one-half more work on them.

The engine at the Union rolling mill, (Pittsburg,) in 1819, cost 11,000 dollars. A much superior one, of 130 horse power, for Sligo mill, cost, in 1826, 3,000.

In 1830, there were made in Pittsburg one hundred steam engines.

In 1831, one hundred and fifty will be made, averaging 2,000 dollars; or 300,000 in that article alone.

dearer in the United States than in France.

Here it is asserted that a six horse power steam engine costs 500 dollars more in France than it does in England, and that it is still dearer in the United States than in France. Now it so happens, that in the United States, at Pittsburg, a steam engine, of that power, can be put up, ready for action, for the identical sum of 500 dollars. Prices of Iron al Cincinnati.

1814 to 1818, bar iron 200 to 220 dollars per ton--now 100, 105, 110. The fall in prices has been nearly as follows: 1826, bar iron assorted, 125 to 135 dollars 120 to 130 do.

1827,

do

1827,

do

115 to 125

do.

1829,

do

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1830,

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do.

1831,

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Castings, including hollow ware, 1814 to 1818, 120 to 130 dollars per ton: present price, 60 to 65, and the quality much improved.

STATEMENT D.

The duties on iron imported into the United States were, in 1804 to 1812, 15 per cent.; double war duties from 1812 to 1816. In 1816, duties, rolled iron, 30 dollars per ton: hammered, nine dollars. The law of 1816, fixing the duties at these rates, ruined many of the manufacturers, and compelled them to abandon their works. By the act of April 20, 1818, the duty on hammered iron was raised to 15 dollars. This, in some measure, revived the manufacture, and many who had abandoned, resumed their operations. The foreign manufacturerer, to keep possession of the market, offered his iron at a less price;

so that there was an actual decline here. In 1824, the duty on hammered iron was raised to 18 dollars, and in 1828 to $22 40. These additions to the duty had no permanent effect in raising the price. The foreign manufacturer could not advance his prices beyond those of 1824, because the American iron maker supplied the market at those rates; and iron at a duty of $22 40, sells at less than it did at one of nine dollars. The foreign manufacturer has been compelled to take the additional duties from his profits, and these deductions from his profits have been paid into the treasury of the United States, without adThe following table shows the operation of the addi

A two horse power engine costs 250 dollars; six horse, 500 dollars; eight to nine horse, 700 dollars. These last ding to the price paid by the American consumer. are the prices, delivered and put up.

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steam engines of the largest size, down to a threepenny nail. 1818, imported of hammered iron 13,931

At least 600 tons of iron made in Pittsburg are manu- tional duty levied since 1818 on hammered iron alone. factured into other articles before it leaves the city, from

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erected since 1828.

1821,

15,374

230,413

1824 in the western parts of Pennsylvania, and that part 1823,

Thirty-eight new furnaces have been erected since 1822,

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of Kentucky bordering on the Ohio river; most of them 1824,

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21,298

383,364

since 1828.

1825,

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428,490

The quantity of iron rolled at Pittsburg was-

1826,

23,837

427,066

In 1828,

tons,

3,291 19 0 0

1827,

21,718

390,924

1829,

6,217 17 0 0

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9,282 200

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Being an increase of nearly 200 per cent. in two years. The above facts were furnished by members of the committee residing at Pittsburg, who vouch for their accuracy.

One fact there stated suggests the following remarks to the committee:

estimated 29,202 654,141

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To the report of the select committee of the Senate of the United States, on the subject of iron, is appended, "Since ascertained 30,973 tons, of which only 439 tons were British. among other papers, one in which it is stated that "it is The small amount of the latter importation is the best possible evinow ascertained that the superiority of England over dence of the bad quality of English iron, as stated in the subsequent six pages, and of its unfitness for the usual purposes to which hammered France is entirely due to the cheapness of iron: a iron is applied. All such iron pays the same duty.-Permanent Comhorse steam engine, for instance, in France, costs, on the imittee.

1830,

Duties at $9, the rate per law of 1816,

2,716,920 H. OF R.] INDEX TO THE DEBATES IN THE SENATE.

STATEMENT E.

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But this aspect of the case is not the beginning of the evil which the community are doomed to suffer from this rash, The following calculations were made by Hardman precipitous, and blind legislation, The annual product of Phillips and George Valentine, and are derived from the iron in the United States is estimated to be worth thirteen average returns submitted to the committee from two million three hundred and twenty-nine thousand seven counties, those most extensively engaged in the manufac- hundred and sixty dollars, which, if the business fails, is ture of iron in Pennsylvania, namely Centre and Hun- stricken out of existence, and is so much clear loss every tingdon, and have been carefully verified by a comparison year to the wealth of the nation. You deprive, moreover, with returns from 73 furnaces and 132 forges.

For each ton of bar iron and castings made, the following agricultural produce is found to be consumed: 20 bushels wheat and rye, average, at 75 cents $15 00

57 lbs. pork

43 lbs. beef

10 lbs. butter

2 bushels potatoes

ton hay

5 "

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For every ten tons of bar iron, one horse is employed one whole year, worth 100 dollars, and experience shows that the mortality among horses so employed is, per annum, one in seven, and constitutes a charge per ton of For fruit and vegetables, of which no return has been made, we feel justified in putting down

2 85

1 72

1 25

twenty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty-four laborers and mechanics of the employment by which they earn their daily bread for themselves and families! You de prive one hundred and forty-six thousand two hundred and seventy-three souls of subsistence, until those on whom they depend can seek a new channel for their labor. In the mean time there must be great and universal suffering. 60 You throw out of circulation eight million seven hundred 3 50 and seventy-six thousand four hundred and twenty dollars in wages paid to the laborers. Is this all? No, sir. You take from the farmers four million four hundred and ninety dollars, which they receive annually from the iron manufacturers for agricultural products!!

1 43

Now, how will these arrangements work? What is to become of the twenty thousand laborers who are to be 1 00 thrown out of the iron employment? At least nineteentwentieths of them will be driven into agriculture, which

Which, multiplied by the quantity of bariron and castings, will give the sum of 3,415,850 dollars, paid by the iron manufacturers, and those employed by them, to the far

mers.

27 35 is already able to overstock the market. The farmers will be deprived of a market where they have been able to send upwards of four millions worth of produce. Thus will this ruinous policy cut upon the farmer like a twoedged sword. The supply of agricultural products will The same returns enable them to state that every five be greatly increased, and the demand for them diminished tons of iron, as above made, requires one able-bodied man to an amount of at least four millions. Sir, if a more ruinthroughout the year, or, in the whole, 24,979; and, as ous state of things could be devised for the farmer, Panit appears that, upon an average, each one of these has dora, the goddess of evil, must do it. And why are our four dependent upon him, it follows that 124,895 persons establishments to be broken down? Why are our citizens are supported by this branch of industry, in its first stages; to be thrown out of employment? Why are we to be laid and the average of the wages of the workmen being fully low at the feet of British power? Is it that we are to get one dollar per day, or say 300 per annum, they receive iron cheaper? No! For we get it cheaper now than we for wages, in the whole, the large sum of 7,493,700 dollars ever have before. Are we to get better iron? No, We for the labor of one year. get better iron now than we ever did before. Why, then,

The expense of transporting this iron to the different sir, in the name of Heaven, is this sweeping desolation to markets, by land and water, may be estimated at an ave- be brought upon the country? rage of ten dollars perton, amounting to 1,248,940 dollars; The same remarks will apply to all our manufacturing the whole of which is distributed among those engaged establishments. Iron is left in a better condition than in the transportation and coasting trade of the country, any of them, and those who are best acquainted with and subdivided among those who furnish subsistence to that subject say it cannot stand if the present bill pass. the many persons employed, and in furnishing means for If iron cannot stand, then, what is to become

this branch of the business.

of wool

lens and other interests, which have a protection so far

These facts show conclusively that the consumer gets below that of iron? Why, as a matter of course, they a better article, and at a lower price, than he did before must be prostrated immediately, and at once. I will,

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therefore, attempt to show the committee the amount of capital in a few other branches of American industry, and which, if this bill pass, might as well be thrown into 112,866 the ocean. I will also show the number of persons em191,536 ployed, and the number dependent upon these institu13,329,760 tions for the bread they eat. As it will not be in my 29,254 power to review every branch, I will take a few which 146,273 will bring the question home directly to every man's 8,776,420 bosom and fireside.

4,000,490 But before I leave this subject, as the manufacturers

This, sir, I feel warranted in saying, falls very far short are charged with making most enormous profits, let us of the full amount of this business. There are several look a little into the accusation. furnaces and forges, within my knowledge, which do a

very considerable business, and which are not here enu- one year in the United States is

The aggregate value of all the iron manufactured in

merated.

$13,329,760

consumer? I will not answer this question, but will leave

this would not be likely to raise the price of iron to the

But, sir, take the iron business as here stated, and abolish it, and what will be the effect upon society? You destroy one hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred and sixty-six tons of bar iron, and one hundred and ninety-one thousand and thrty-six tons of pig iron. Do you think cultural products

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it with the American farmers and mechanics to judge. subject to the wear and tear of machinery, and all con

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American State Papers, a proposition for extending the
subscription to a continuation of the work; reso-
lution ordered to be engrossed, and was after-
wards passed, 786.

Calhoun, Mr., his resolutions declaratory of the nature and
powers of the Government, 191, 750; laid on the
table, 785.

Chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Pise appointed, 6.
Commercial statements, a resolution for printing the an-
nual statements of commerce and navigation was
taken up, 6; agreed to, 7; considered and laid
on the table, 10.

Constitutional powers, Mr. Clayton's resolution on the
subject, 231.
Crimes, a bill supplementary to an act for the more effi-
cient punishment of crimes against the United
States, 12.

Cumberland road, a bill for continuing this road from
Vandalia to Jefferson, 51; taken up, 119; re-
sumed, 359, and bill ordered to a third reading;
bill passed, 486.

cess of Congress, 786.

District Code of Laws, ordered to be printed in the re-
Documents in the State Department, a resolution for em-
ploying temporary clerks for copying documents
in relation to the French treaty of indemnity, 79;
taken up, 122; agreed to, 123.

Duties on imports, a bill further to provide for the col-
lection of imposts, 150; taken up, 280, and or-
dered to be engrossed; bill passed, 688.

Endless life, a petition for land from persons who pro-
fessed to have discovered endless life, referred,

98.

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Force bill. (See Duties.)

Frauds on the revenue, a resolution for inquiring into
the expediency of making further provision for
the protection of the revenue, 11, agreed to;
bill taken up, 244; ordered to be engrossed,
601; passed, 688.

French spoliations, a bill to provide for the satisfaction of
claims due to certain American citizens, 5; re-
ferred; reported with an amendment, 12; a bill
reported and taken up, 98; agreed to, 99.

Government, on the nature and powers of, (see Mr. Cal-
houn's resolution,) 191, 750.
Interest to States, a bill providing for the final settlement

of the claims of States, 6.

Lands, public, notice given by Mr. Clay of his intention
of again bringing forward his bill for disposing
of the public land, 5; bill introduced, 6, and re-
ferred to the Committee on Public Lands; bill
reported with a proposed amendment; taken up,
61; ordered to a third reading, 231; bill passed,
235.

the amendments of the House to the bill were taken
up, 809, and agreed to.

a bill granting a township to Indiana, Illinois, Mis-
souri, and Alabama, a township each, for the pro-
motion of female education, 82; State of Ohio
added; laid on the table.

patents, a bill describing the mode by which land
patents may be signed, 150; bill passed, 150.
VOL. IX.-e

Light-houses, a bill was received from the House on the
last evening of the session, and read a first time;
but Mr. Grundy objecting to its being read a se-
cond time, and as it could not be so read at that
time but with unanimous consent, the bill was,
of course, rejected, 812.

Louisville and Portland canal, a bill to authorize the pur-
chase of the private stock in, 359; laid on the
table, 360.

Members, a list of the, 1.
Military orders, a resolution calling upon the President
for copies of the military orders given to the
forces in South Carolina, 377; postponed, 378;
resumed, 405; agreed to, 433.
canal, a bill granting land to enable the State to
open a canal in the Big Swamp, 12.

Missouri

Order, points of, 300, 480.

Pension

agency at Decatur, a bill for the establishment of,
809; laid on the table, 810.

Postage, a proposition for introducing a bill to reduce
the rates of postage, 27; discussed; agreed to,

40.

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a copy of it.)

veto on the bill of last session, providing for the
final settlement of the claims of States for inte-
rest on advances to the United States during the
late war, 3; laid on the table, 4.

Presidential election, a day fixed for counting the electo-
ral votes, 359; the votes counted, and Andrew
Jackson was declared to be elected President,
and Martin Van Buren Vice President, 487.
Printer to Congress, the resolution for his election taken
up, 587.
Proclamation, a copy of the President's, in relation to
South Carolina, called for, 99; proposition laid
on the table, 100; agreed to, 104.

Revenue. (See Frauds on, and Duties.)
Secretary of the Treasury called upon for a detailed state-
ment of articles of foreign growth or manu-
facture on which, in his opinion, the duties ought
to be reduced, &c., 8; agreed to, 27.

Senate called to order by the Secretary, 2.
Sheathing copper, a bill to amend the act to amend the
several acts imposing duties on imports, ordered
to be engrossed, 661.

South Carolina resolutions, in reply to the President's
proclamation, 80.
Spanish claims, a resolution instructing the Committee on
Foreign Relations to inquire into the expediency
of obtaining evidence deposited in the State De-
partment, 38; agreed to.

Special order, a resolution for changing the hour of taking

it up, agreed to, 359.
Standing committees appointed, 4.
Tariff, a resolution introduced calling on the Secretary
of the Treasury to furnish the project of a bill
for reducing the duties on imports, in conformi-
ty with the suggestions in his report, 6.

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