ment automatically forces wages down again to their previous level. If, on the other hand, the laborer should receive less than a subsistence wage, he or his children would starve, and the consequent shortage of laborers would necessarily force wages back to the subsistence point. Thus, according to this theory, there can be no permanent increase or decrease in wages beyond what is commonly known as the MINIMUM SUBSISTENCE LEVEL. Thoroughly discredited and refuted as it has long been, this theory still exerts a powerful influence upon many employers and public officials. (See MALTHUSIANISM.)

Ironclad Agreement or Ironclad Oath. A form of contract, sometimes exacted by an employer of labor, which binds an employee never to join a trade union. An early form of the "ironclad," as it is sometimes called, runs as follows: "We also agree not to be engaged in any combination whereby the work may be impeded or the company's interest in any work injured; if we do, we agree to forfeit to the use of the company the amount of wages that may be due us at the time." (See DOCUMENT.)

Irritation Strike. See STRIKING ON THE JOB.

Italian Confederation of Workers. See CONFEDERAZIONE ITALIANA DEI LAVORATORI.

Italian Federation of Economic Trade Unions. See ITALIAN

LABOR MOVEMENT.

Italian General Confederation of Labor. See CONFEDERAZIONE GENERALE DEL LAVORO.

Italian Labor Movement. For various reasons, not least the misgovernment to which they have been so long subjected, the Italians have taken more readily to the doctrines of SYNDICALISM and ANARCHISM than have the workers of any other country. The chief forms of association among the local labor organizations are represented by the CAMERE DEL LAVORO, or local chambers of labor, and the FEDERAZIONE DEI MESTIERE, or national federations of trades or industries. Before the war most of these bodies were nationally federated in either the CONFEDERAZIONE GENERALE DEL LAVORO Or the UNIONE SYNDICALE ITALIANA, both of which pursue revolutionary aims, although the latter is the more radical. In chief opposition to these two organizations stand the CONFEDERAZIONE ITALIANA DEI LAVORATORI, a national federation of the Catholic or WHITE UNIONS, and the UNIONE ITALIANA DEL LAVORO, which

attempts the strange feat of harmonizing syndicalism with nationalism. In November, 1920, a new organization, the Italian Federation of Economic Trade Unions, was formed at Milan. Its aim is to unite all the non-political and non-sectarian elements in the Italian labor movement, and particularly the technical and professional workers, for purely economic purposes. The economic exhaustion, disorganization, and impoverishment consequent in general to the recent war have borne with particular heaviness upon Italy and her wage-earners. The period since the armistice has been perhaps the stormiest in the country's industrial history, with strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances occurring with ever-increasing frequency. The most interesting and important development during this period has been the spontaneous rank and file demand for WORKERS' CONTROL of industry which became prominent soon after the close of the war. The chief manifestation of this demand appeared among the metal-workers of northern Italy, who in August of 1920 began a widespread seizure of factories, following the threat of a lockout on the employers' part. Within a few days a majority of the foundries, machine shops, and metal works of northern Italy were in the hands of the workers; and production was to some extent carried on by them, under factory committees. The Prime Minister, Giolitti, called a conference of representatives of the C. G. L. and the employers by which an agreement was reached on September 19, conceding the principle of "trade union control" in industry. The joint commission established to work out the details of this scheme broke down; and in January, 1921, the government introduced a Bill for Labor Control similar in most respects to the GERMAN WORKS COUNCILS LAW. (See BOMBACCI PLAN; COUNCILS OF EXPLOITATION; SOCIETÀ DI LAVORO; FASCISTI; MINISTERO PER IL LAVORO E LA PREVIDENZA SOCIALE; PROBI-VIRI.)

Italian Ministry of Labor and Social Thrift. See MINISTERO PER IL LAVORO E LA PREVIDENZA SOCIALE.

Italian Socialist Party. See CONFEDERAZIONE GENERALE DEL LAVORO; BOMBACCI PLAN.

J

J. I. C. See JOINT INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS.

Japanese-American Passport Agreement. A so-called "gentlemen's agreement," made in 1907 between the American and Japanese governments, which provides, in effect, that Japan will not issue passports good for continental United States to Japanese laborers unless such laborers are coming here to resume a formerlyacquired domicile; to join parent, husband, or children; or to assume active control of an already possessed interest in a farming enterprise in this country. While the agreement relates only to IMMIGRATION to continental United States, Japan soon voluntarily extended the same provisions to Hawaii. Non-laborers, of course, are not affected, and are free to come and go under the same conditions as aliens of other nationalities. (See PICTURE BRIDES.)

Japanese Federation of Trade Unions. See JAPANESE

LABOR ORGANIZATIONS.

Japanese Labor Organizations. As in the case of China, the only form of labor organization in Japan until late in the last century consisted in the primitive guilds. These exist in large numbers under the leadership of "bosses" who frequently act as foremen and also serve in the capacity of private employment agents. Isolated labor unions somewhat approaching the western type began to appear in the nineties. Owing to police persecution most of them had, however, disappeared by 1900. In 1912 a workers' society called the Yuai Kai was founded; and a fraternal society of printers, known as the Shinyu Kai, appeared in 1917. During this latter year the high cost of living attendant on war-time prosperity produced a series of strikes, and the Yuai Kai and the Shinyu Kai developed into industrially active organizations. The rice riots of 1918, with their widespread conflicts with the troops, stimulated class consciousness among the workers, and the early part of 1919 saw a rapid growth in strikes and organization. By the end of 1919 a slump followed; and in 1920, to achieve unity, the twelve leading unions of Tokyo and its outlying districts (including the Yuai Kai, now organized on indus

trial lines, with several departments, including metal, transport, mining, textile and other workers, and 150 branches, with a membership of 30,000) united in a loose federation to form the Japanese Federation of Trade Unions; and fifteen unions of Osaka and its outlying districts formed the Federation of Trade Unions of Western Japan. A report made by R. Soeda of the KYOCHO KAI, in January, 1921, states that it is estimated that there are now more than 300 trade unions in the country, nearly all of them being organized during 1919. The weaknesses of the trade unions, he states, lie in their poor financial status; the lack of a definite programme caused by extreme mobility of labor, which is constantly passing from factory to factory and from one occupation to another; the lack of solidarity, which shows in the small remuneration of trade union officers and the constant dissolution of trade unions when the leading members of a union are dismissed from a factory following a labor dispute; lack of confidence in trade union leaders, and the hereditary attitude of loyalty and devotion among the laboring classes toward those who employ them.

Job Analysis. A systematic inquiry, on the part of large industrial and commercial concerns, into the component elements of each individual job in their establishments, and the human qualifications and physical conditions necessary for its performance; the resulting data being used as a basis for proper placement of, and compensation to, the worker. This plan has been especially successful in decreasing LABOR TURNOVER and increasing output. (See EMPLOYMENT MANAGEMENT.)

Job Monopoly. A term commonly used in designation of the purpose or policy of a CLOSED UNION—one that seeks to secure a monopoly of work for its own members in the particular craft or occupation which they follow. "Job monopoly" is commonly accomplished by means of EXCLUSIVE AGREEMENTS with employers' associations, by restricting membership in the trade union, and by other methods. (See MONOPOLY POLICY OF TRADE UNIONISM.)

Job Piece Work. See COLLECTIVE PIECE WORK.

Job Selling. The practice on the part of certain foremen or superintendents of levying tribute from those to whom they give employment. Such tribute is sometimes exacted not only at the time a job is provided, but also at regular intervals as long as the job is retained. This practice is legally forbidden in several states of the American union. (See STRAW BOSS; TOLLING.)

Job Work. In a general sense, work that is paid for in a lump sum agreed upon in advance, instead of on the usual TIME WORK OF PIECE WORK basis. Practically all forms of the CONTRACT SYSTEM Come within the category of job work.

Jobber. See PIECE MASTER; STEVEDORE SYSTEM.

Joint Agreement. See TRADE AGREEMENT.

Joint Board, Trades Union Congress. See TRADES UNION CONGRESS.

Joint Committee. Usually a committee made up of representatives of both the employing and the working class. Sometimes, however, a committee comprising representatives of two or more trade unions, or two or more groups of employers. (See BRIDGEPORT PLAN.)

Joint Conference Council. See COMPANY COUNCIL.

Joint Conference System. This term is ordinarily applied to the more formal plan of cOLLECTIVE BARGAINING commonly found in trades or industries where both employers and employees are strongly organized-which involves more or less regularly recurrent and systematically conducted conferences between representatives of the two sides. In the American workings of this system there is as a rule no written constitution or permanent treaty between the organizations of employers and employees, establishing a definite organization and method of procedure for the conferences by which the general agreements are adopted, or for boards of ARBITRATION and CONCILIATION. "On the other hand, the separate constitutions and rules of the organizations of employers, and more particularly those of the organizations of employees, do provide more or less formally for the maintenance of the system, usually prescribing methods for the selection of conference committees and regulating their methods of procedure in a general way, although much is still left to unwritten custom. Even in the absence of any written joint rules of a permanent character, custom has usually introduced fairly permanent and uniform practices of collective bargaining. There can be little doubt, however, that misunderstandings would in some cases be avoided, and the continuance of the system would be more fully guaranteed, if the practice, so common in England, of adopting formal constitutions and rules for joint committees and conferences should be introduced here. In order to appreciate the significance of the practices of these various trades as regards