C

C. G. L. See CONFEDERAZIONE GENERALE DEL LAVORO.

C. G. T. As most commonly used, these initials refer to the CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL, the leading labor body of France. In connection with Spanish labor affairs, they refer to the CONFEDERACION GENERAL DEL TRABAJO, the largest labor body in Spain.

C. I. L. See CONFEDERAZIONE ITALIANA DEI LAVORATORI.

C. S. B. See COMMISSION SYNDICALE BELGE.

Ca' Canny. This Scotch phrase, meaning to "go easy" or act cautiously, is applied in labor circles to the practice on a worker's part of intentionally slackening the speed of production by various methods not readily apparent to the foreman or employer. As generally practiced, ca' canny is one of the milder forms of SABOTAGE -a policy adopted to injure the employer and express dissatisfaction. This policy is indicated in the French motto, "a bad day's work for a bad day's pay." On the other hand, however, ca' canny may be merely a form of protection against SPEEDING UP, or a measure adopted in a period of slack work to prevent or lessen UNEMPLOYMENT. It may also be used for the purpose of keeping up PIECE WORK prices or BASE TIME allowances. As distinguished from STRIKING ON THE JOB, it usually denotes a fairly continuous policy, rather than a method of dealing with a particular situation at a particular time; although this distinction is not always maintained in current usage. Ca' canny has seldom, if ever, received the sanction of trade union leaders, and is generally denounced by them whenever practiced. "Go canny" is an alternate form of the phrase; while the term "go easy system" is often used in the same sense. (See CONSCIENTIOUS WITHDRAWAL OF EFFICIENCY; WORK-TO-RULE MOVEMENT; LIMITATION OF OUTPUT.)

Caisse de Chômage. See FONDS NATIONALE DE CAISSE.

Caisse de Secours Mutuel. The fund of a French SYNDICAT. or local trade union, from which sick benefits are paid to union members, is so called. Only a small proportion of the syndicats maintain such funds.

Call Book. See HOUSE OF CALL SYSTEM.

Camera del Lavoro (Chamber of Labor). In Italy, an organization representative of the various labor bodies in a particular town or district, and corresponding in general to the French BOURSE DU TRAVAIL. Since 1891 the camere del lavoro have been the chief centres and sources of Italian working-class activity. They collect information about employment, promote new labor legislation and the enforcement of existing laws, and negotiate with employers, direct strikes, and perform various other functions. Until 1896 the municipalities contributed to their funds, but since that date such subsidies have been illegal. Not trade unions only, but cooperative societies, etc., are affiliated with the camere del lavoro. While at first non-political and inclusive in character, there has been a marked development of late among the camere to divide along the lines of the current political-social schisms, each faction establishing its own camera as a centre for political activities. Thus in Rome there are now four rival camere del lavoro, while many other of the larger towns have three. (See ITALIAN LABOR MOVEMENT.)

Camps. See LABOR CAMPS.

Canadian Department of Labor. One of the main executive departments of the Dominion government, presided over by a Minister of Labor, a Deputy Minister, and other officials. This department administers the labor laws of Canada, fixes FAIR WAGE schedules to be inserted in government contracts; collects and classifies statistical and other information relating to conditions of labor; and publishes monthly "The Labor Gazette" and periodically special bulletins on trade and labor conditions, prices, labor legislation, etc.

Canadian Federation of Labor. See CANADIAN LABOR ORGANIZATIONS.

Canadian Industrial Disputes Investigation Act. A measure (otherwise known as the Lemieux Act) adopted by the Dominion Parliament in 1907, which provides for the COMPULSORY INVESTIGATION of disputes in a certain class of industries "affected with a public interest" (coal-mining, public utilities, etc.). The Act makes it unlawful to change the terms of employment or to declare a strike

or lockout in such industries without thirty days' notice or (if appeal is taken to the Minister of Labor within that time) while an investigation is going on. Upon application, the Minister of Labor appoints a special board to investigate the dispute and if possible to effect CONCILIATION between the disputants. This board consists of three members-one nominated by the employer, one by the workers, and an IMPARTIAL CHAIRMAN selected by these two or (in case of failure to agree) by the Minister of Labor. If the board fails to effect a settlement, it issues a report of its investigation and findings, relying upon the force of public opinion to bring the side at fault into acceptance of the "impartial" award. After such report is issued, the terms of employment may be changed, and a strike or lockout declared. This Act served as a model for the COLORADO INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION LAW and for similar legislation in other countries.

Canadian Labor Organizations. The majority of trade unionists in Canada are members of local branches of international unions whose headquarters are in the United States or (in two or three cases) England. In 1920 there were 99 international unions with Canadian branches, the latter's membership aggregating 260,000. A considerable proportion of such branches, with an aggregate membership in September, 1920, of 173,463, are federated in the Dominion Trades and Labor Congress, the "official" national labor body of Canada. This organization is modelled to a considerable degree after the British TRADES UNION CONGRESS, being largely a medium for debate, with little if any control over industrial policy. It works in close cooperation with the AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR-to which it is in part subordinate. The principal labor bodies of Canada opposed to the international plan of organization are the National Catholic Union, confined to Roman Catholic workers residing chiefly in the province of Quebec and claiming 35,000 members; and the Canadian Federation of Labor, made up of some twenty unions in Quebec and Toronto, which has made no great headway as yet, having only about 5000 members in 1920. There are also other "independent" unions having none but local federations. Although the I. W. W. has always claimed a considerable Canadian membership, the radical labor movement is chiefly represented by the ONE BIG UNION, organized in 1919originally as a secession movement from the Dominion Trades and Labor Congress. The One Big Union has made rapid headway, chiefly in the Western provinces, and in 1920 it claimed a member

ship of 70,000. The conservative labor movement of Canada is represented on the political side in the various Independent Labor Parties which have been formed in every province except one. The radical elements are chiefly represented by the Socialist Party of Canada, a revolutionary socialist body whose main strength is in the West.

LAW.

Can't Strike Law. See COLORADO INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION

Capital Sharing. A term sometimes applied to the plan of permitting the employees of an industrial enterprise to share in the ownership of the enterprise through the acquirement of shares of stock-either by means of purchase, often on easy terms or at a reduced ate, or in lieu of cash or deferred payments due the workers under some plan of PROFIT SHARING. When all the stock is owned by the workers, the term "capital sharing is of course not applicable; the enterprise in that case becomes a cooperative one. (See LABOR COPARTNERSHIP; INDUSTRIAL PARTNERSHIP.)

Capitalism or Capitalistic System. A general designation for the latest stage in modern industrial development, consisting in essence of a system in which the comparatively few possessors of capital are the dominant economic power, owning and controlling the means of production; the mass of the people, although "free" laborers, being dependent wholly upon the wages allowed them for their work by the capitalist class. The effects of the capitalistic system upon labor are well summarized in Groat's "Organized Labor in America" as follows: "Production is indirect. Tools have yielded to machines. These in turn have grown more complex and interrelated until machinery has a meaning somewhat different from machine. Further, machinery has merged into plants. These vast comp exes of capital goods dominate modern industry. In them is carried to a point hitherto undreamed of the DIVISION OF LABOR and subdivision of processes. There are many meanings to such a situation. One is that labor has been made more dependent upon conditions. Time was when labor was the shaping factor in industry and tools and implements were assistants. Now the relation is quite reversed. Capital dominates and labor assists. This new situation is important in at least three particulars. First: there is a separation of the workman from his tools. These tools are now parts of an industrial plant. Without them labor is ineffective. With them production is enormously stimulated. But empty-handed

labor is at a tremendous disadvantage. Second: men formerly produced for purposes of consumption. The relation was very direct. Now production is much more indirectly related to consumption. Formerly the laborer saw the result of his labor growing into a product the disposition of which, if not its consumption, would lie largely in his own hands. Labor now works for wages, scarcely knowing what it is producing. Its chief concern now is not the 'creation of utilities,' but rather it is getting and keeping a 'job.' Third: (and naturally following from these two) the workman is dependent upon others for the opportunity to work." No one who wishes to think straight on economic and industrial matters should confuse "capital" with 'capitalism." The former is a permanent economic entity; the latter is an artificial and probably transient system resulting from the private ownership and control, to the present time, of that entity. It is capitalism, not capital, which SOCIALISM and the REVOLUTIONARY LABOR MOVEMENT seek to abolish. Socialism, in fact, would enormously extend and strengthen the legitimate functions of capital; and the popular conception of a fundamental antagonism between "labor" and "capital" is merely a widespread fiction, based on false definitions and careless thinking. (See ABSENTEE CAPITALISM; LABOR; SURPLUS VALUE THEORY; EXPLOITATION; PROFITS SYSTEM; WAGE SLAVERY.)

Captains of Industry. An expression often applied to employers of labor on a large scale. It implies the conception of “labor” as forming the rank and file of a huge industrial army, of which the employers of labor are the directing and responsible officers. (See ENTREPRENEUR; LABOR LIEUTENANTS.)

Card Inspector. See SHOP STEWARD.

Card Men. Those members of any labor organization who carry DUE CARDS, WORKING CARDS, or other proof of union membership "in good standing," are often so called.

Card System. Among American trade unionists, this term is commonly used with specific reference to the system of TRANSFER CARDS and Travelling cards, by which MEMBERS IN GOOD STANDING of a national union may secure entrance into any LOCAL of such union without the usual formalities and expense. In his book on "Admission to American Trade Unions," F. E. Wolfe says: "Through the mechanism of the 'card system' a local union under the national pact was bound to admit worthy members and to exclude offending workmen of other unions. Each member in good standing by ob