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sense than that we have a right to do our duty; and it is absurd to talk about this Christian duty of obeying God rather than man, being a natural right, much less a civil right, in whose discretionary exercise, treason, rebellion, and anarchy cease to be either sins or crimes. It will be easily seen, also, how essentially demoralizing and licentious all that teaching is, which releases civil society from the obligation of making obedience to the known will of God concerning its own nature and acts-the rule of all its conduct; and which releases the government and the citizen, or either of them, from the obligation of enforcing and obeying the fundamental institutions of the particular society, and all laws made in accordance with them. But perhaps the most senseless, immoral, and destructive part of such abominable teaching, is that which aims to silence the Church of God as a universal teacher of moral duty-and to strip her of the very essence of her mission, as the witness for Christ. God has made her the light of the world: these men would put out her light: do they desire that, in the gross darkness, sin and crime might hold carnival together? God has made her the salt of the earth these men would rob her of her savor: can they wish that every temporal interest of man might perish in anarchythat all by which life is made a blessing, might rot in licentiousness?

Holding carefully to the distinctions we have pointed outand to the clear statements of the Scriptures, which we have printed and expounded on previous pages, we avoid many perplexing questions, by bearing in mind, that the divine. doctrine of society, of government, and of the citizen, delivered by the great apostle, is not laid down by him simply as a theory upon which a world or even a nation may be started; but is propounded, with divine authority, as an exposition of an actual world, full of nations in complete and long continued possession and exercise of the things of which he taught. As if he had said, concerning these things which are, in effect, common to the human race, this is what God has done; and this is what he has always required and will always require-and this is the significance of the whole matter. Man can not help being of some race, and community, and country, any more than he can help being human. They are

a part of each individual's earthly existence. And however
variable some of the elements may appear to be in reality, they
are as permanent as the human race is, in this world. It is sim-
ply impossible for any one to change his race; and the numbers
of human kind that ever changed their country or their nation,
bear no assignable proportion to the numbers who do not;
and all who do, bear with them, of necessity, whatever their
race has made them-and transfer, to the utmost of their
ability, and transmit to other ages, all the characteristics of
the home and the institutions they left behind. Nor are there
any deeper, or more universal, or more ennobling impulses of
our nature than profound sympathy of race, and fervent love
of country, and earnest veneration of ancestral institutions.
Nor is there a surer human guaranty for the preservation of
whatever attainments the human race can make, than the
tenacity with which it cherishes these impulses.
We see,

therefore, that God does not ordain the things whereof we
speak, to be transient and inconstant. Nationalities are the
growths of many generations; ours is the growth of two and
a half centuries on this continent, and of a thousand previous
years in the old world. God did not ordain society in such a
way, that they who compose it might lightly cast themselves
loose from it. And the providence of God has hedged us
about with such innumerable difficulties in the way of all dis-
loyalty, that in ordinary times, and in well-ordered states, its
wide existence may be said to be impossible. And so strong
is the natural instinct which God has implanted in us, fitting
us for the ordinances which he has fitted for us-that sound-
hearted men are obliged to be deluded with a pretext of loy-
alty before they allow themselves to be disloyal. We are
satisfied that the delusion that, under our complex system of
government, our supreme allegiance is due, and our supreme
affections should be given, to the states of which we are citi-
zens, rather than to the nation which those states unitedly
constitute-lies at the bottom of most that can be extenuated,
in the present rebellion. But we need not pursue these ideas,
just now, beyond what is necessary to direct attention to the
proof which God has laid in our very nature, confirmatory of
the stability of his ordinances-and the perpetuity of the ties
that bind us to them—and the immorality and untruthfulness

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of all opposite interpretations. For the evil which is raging around us, is by so much the more astonishing and atrocious, as the white population of this country is altogether the most homogeneous and enlightened that ever existed in as great numbers, in any free nation. Nor do we suppose a single faithful American citizen lives, who did not once believe that our country was out of the reach of the particular calamities which have overtaken her, and free from all danger of the particular form of ruin which now threatens her. How terribly, then, does it import us, to understand the true remedy for such misery!

Where a community exists, and is manifested in a way that God allows; where the nature and form of its institutions are also such, as in his wide indulgence to us, he sanctions; and where the magistracy are in power by the ordinary and established action of society, under the controlling providence of God, the regular and lawful action of the government is under the special sanction of the Almighty, and all resistance to that action, by arms, is equally a folly, a sin, and a crime. This was our condition; it is the ordinary condition of all communities, even partially civilized, in all ages; and internal peace, security, and order are the great blessings which ordinarily attend it-all of which are temporarily forfeited, and put at permanent risk, by every forcible attempt at change. These forcible attempts, from within, have marked every age, and have occurred in every nation-now, finally, among ourselves. In general, the judgment of mankind concerning them, has depended more on their failure or success than on their nature and objects; and succeeding ages have not possessed the means of revising many of these judgments. Great nations have generally survived them, and grown greater; weak states have generally perished, and fallen victims, by reason of them, to states that were more powerful. Upon the whole, the fate of all seditions and rebellions, taken together, has been disastrous to the human race-contributing little to its permanent advancement, and making no compensation, by the evils they may have destroyed, for those they inflicted. If a few signal exceptions may be found, they will turn out, on careful examination, to have been really national movements or outbursts of long continued struggles between

heterogeneous races-rather than revolts against society, or seditious risings against established governments. Of the former kind may be said to be the English Revolution of 1688, which saved both the nation and the laws, and the American Revolution of 1776 which gave organic life to our nationality, which is now sought to be destroyed; and of the latter kind, the forcible separation of Belgium and Holland, which the whole power of Europe had absurdly forced to unite. We have before our eyes, in the case of France, a great nation, starting with a bloody and ferocious revolution, more than seventy years ago, and after passing through every possible form of government-including three royal dynasties— landing in an Imperial Despotism. Did the drenching her land in blood, did the decimating her population by war, by the public executioner, and by private butcheries-did the conquest of the greater part of Europe, and then her own subjugation-did her standing menace against the peace of the world, and the independence of nations; did all that has occurred since 1789, tend, in the least, to secure France against further revolutions, after diligently following revolution, as a pursuit, for three-quarters of a century? Or, to draw instruction from our own recent experience, can any wise and just man doubt that it would have been ten thousand times better for this nation, and for every real interest of it, if this revolt and civil war had never occurred? Or, can he see, nay, can he conjecture, any possible result of things as they now stand, that can ever compensate for the mischief already done the misery already inflicted? We see, therefore, that it is of the ordination of God, and is in the order of nature and society, as well as providence, that the progress of mankind is not the achievement of armed factions; that institutions are not ameliorated by sedition and anarchy; that revolt, and revolution, and treason, have no tendency to promote reform, much less to establish security, freedom, or civilization. These are outrages-not remedies. Outrages abhorrent to society as ordained of God-to every end for which civil government exists-to every interest, and every right, and every duty of the citizen. Nor are there any obligations binding on magistrates higher than that they forbore to drive men to such extremities-by folly, by injustice, or by

oppression; and that they exert the whole power with which they are clothed, to protect society against such destructive crimes.

Whatever tendency to decay and ignorance may be supposed to exist in a fallen race, when left to itself, the actual posture of mankind is not one in which they are thus left to themselves; but, on the contrary, is one in which boundless elements of progress exist profusely. It is their right, their interest, their duty to profit by this condition: and that in regard to their civil institutions, as zealously as in regard to anything else. We have already shown that God has placed civil society in a certain condition of supremacy over its own institutions—and has allowed it a latitude of choice, which he has denied to the corresponding Christian community, in determining the form of civil government-as democratic, or republican, or monarchical, or mixed. In practice, all forms, and nearly all modifications of them all, may be said to have been chosen, or at least acquiesced in, by society; and the judgment of the wisest and truest lovers of human progress, would probably be, that there are conditions of the human race to which each form is most suitable. To make, at will, a transition from one of these forms to any other-is a divine right of society itself; in opposition to the singularly absurd claim of the divine right of some particular form, or dynasty, to hold society in endless subjection. And all forcible attempts on the part of the existing form, or reigning dynasty, or magistrates in power, or portions of the community, to prevent society from making the transit it desires-is one form of that resistance to society which God has expressly forbidden. And as the supreme allegiance of the citizen is due, neither to the form, nor to the dynasty, nor to the magistrate, nor to any faction, but to the commonwealth itself-the real sovereign; it is his duty not only to acquiesce in the determination of that true sovereign to make the transit—but also to resist every attempt that may be made to defeat the execution of that purpose. If war occurs in the progress of such lawful and authorized acts on the part of the sovereign community-it is just of the same character as war undertaken to subjugate society in any other way; and armed enforcement of these supreme rights of civil society, accords with the will

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