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(Rev. xv: 4): "Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy name? for thou only art holy;" and by the four beasts (Rev. iv: 8), who "rest not day and night, saying, Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty, which was, and is, aud is to come." In this sense the psalmist uses it, when he says, "Exalt ye Jehovah our God, and worship at his footstool; for he is holy." Holiness is that in God to which the most profound reverence in creatures is the corresponding affection. Holy and reverend is his name." To be a partaker, therefore, of the holiness of God, is nothing less than to share in the glory of divine perfections. The elect sinner is predestinated to be conformed to the image of the Son of God, in whom dwelleth all the fullness of the Godhead, and therefore is "filled unto (up to) all the fullness of God;" that is, filled as God is filled,-the immense perfections of the divine essence filling, and shining through, redeemed humanity. The glorified saint becomes the Shekinah of Deity. Let it be observed, too, it is to the image of the Son he is conformed, who is himself declared to be "the image of the invisible God." Bengal says, "an image invisible according to the divine nature; visible according to the human" yet in the human nature he so imaged the invisible personal God, that Nathaniel exclaimed, "Thou art the Son of God; thou art the King of Israel." When Christ comes "to be glorified in his saints," their sonship will be attested by their bearing the image of him who is the image of God. There is this difference, however, as to the ground of the representation: to Christ belongs the actual essentia of the Godhead, the real Osorg deitas; to the saints, ecór only, divinitas. He, therefore, is an object of worship; they not. But by the indwelling of God, the Holy Ghost, the divine efficient agent alike in creation and redemption, and through whom Christ offered himself without spot to God, the glorified saint is filled with the fullness of God. The perfections of deity shine forth in and through him with a transcendant effulgence and power. Every element of his being is instinct with the life of God. The glory of a divine sanctitude rests upon him. In this way, and in the broadest and most exalted sense of the word holiness, man is made a partaker of the holiness of God. And in this consummation of

his being and destiny, he reaches the ultimate limit and glory of a created existence.

It only remains to point out, in a concluding part, the relation of the New Life of the Redeemed to some of the distinctive doctrines of the faith.

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ART. VI.-The Nation and the Insurgents.-With Special Reference to the Political, Military, Material, and Financial Condition of the Country, to the State of the Insurgent War, and to the Foreign Relations of the United States, at the End of the Year


THE Nation has just manifested one of those popular reac tions which distinguish all great commotions among men, and which operate with vehement force in all great revolutions. From the election of Mr. Lincoln till the autumn of 1862, the Government and the people of the loyal States, moving in concert, and marching in a direction which was itself a reaction against the extreme opinions which had prevailed in the Northern States, presented such an aspect of justice, moderation, and power, as seemed to leave no doubt of the early and complete extinction of the Rebellion. At that period a great and most critical division of the loyal people manifested itself. The popular elections which occurred in the autumn of 1862, exhibited a powerful and, as far as those elections permitted, a triumphant popular reaction against the newly-avowed principles of the Federal Administration. We have discussed the causes of that reaction, as it was manifested in the Papers of the President, and the votes of the people, and we were convinced it would grow, and become permanent, if it were honestly directed to the avowed objects of it.* It was not so directed. It was attempted to be diverted into a party, instead of a national movement. It was abused for the pur pose of restoring the Democratic party to power, instead of preserving the nation and the constitution. Nay, it was pros

* See Danville Review, December, 1862, pp. 670-712.

tituted to Democratic, rather than National objects, in a manner as disgraceful as success would have made it fatal. What we behold in the recent elections is the indignant rejection by the nation of this flagitious attempt; the rejection of the imposture that the national condemnation of certain principles and purposes of the Abolition party in 1862, meant the indorsement of still more fatal principles and purposes of the Peace Democracy in 1863. This, we understand to be the significance of these two apparently inconsistent, but really perfectly coherent, movements of the nation. By that of 1862, the nation announced its hostility to the principles of the new war policy of the Administration; by that of 1863, it has declared its hostility to any project for committing the fate of the nation into the hands of the Democratic partyand, least of all, into the hands of the disloyal portion of that party. And however difficult it may be to foresee the course of events, we are of opinion that both of these great judgments of the nation-however they may be misconstrued, or abused-will not only stand as land-marks from which it will not much depart, but will grow in importance and efficacy.

No doubt the hands of the Administration will be greatly strengthened by these elections of the summer and fall of 1863-just as they must also be strengthened by every success on its part, and by every failure of the attempts of its enemies. Still, however, temporary strength may be gained at the terrible risk of permanent weakness. At the commencement of Mr. Lincoln's Administration, there could hardly be said to be any organized opposition to him in the loyal States, or any serious or decided opposition in those States to the maintenance of the Union and the crushing of the Rebellion by force. At present, there is probably no loyal State in which there is not an organized and powerful opposition to his Administration, a deep and envenomed mutual hostility of parties alike claiming to be loyal, and an uncertainty more or less serious hanging over every important election. This state of things is extremely to be deplored-it is in a high degree perilous. So far as Mr. Lincoln and his Administration can be fairly considered responsible for it, every wise man will understand that they thereby endanger the very objects they have in view

nay, every object dear to the heart of every patriot. No real statesman, especially none in a country of laws and of freedom, ever imagined that fundamental social changes could be accomplished, unless by the common consent of society, nor judged that even if they could be accomplished otherwise, they were fit to be insisted on, if, in the common judgment, they cost far more than they come to. So far as parties striv ing for ascendancy are responsible for the state of things we have depicted, they ought to understand that the nation can be saved only by the nation; and that what is true forever is signally true now and of them-their mutual destruction by means of their mutual devourings. In times of great national peril, whatever party makes party objects or party ascendency, the chief or even a principal object of its efforts, brands itself as corrupt, and utterly to be detested. The mutual treason of the factions in Jerusalem filled the doomed city with wo-till the avenging sword of Titus smote them all with destruction. The rival factions in Constantinople delivered up the Greek Empire to perdition, rather than forego the luxury of mutual slaughter. On the contrary, the whole glory and strength of England rest on nothing more deeply than on the ardor with. which every faction, at every national danger, hurries to the support of the one that happens to be in power. The business of Mr. Lincoln, the business of every party and every faction, the business of every citizen of the Republic, the preeminent business of them all, each in his lot, is first of all, and above all, to break the military power of the rebellious States, and restore the supremacy of the constitution, the laws, and the government, over every foot of land, and every soul of man. Whoever will not do this, except on some impossible or scandalous condition-whoever will not do it, except with some object forbidden by law, reason and humanity-whoever will not do it at all-every one of them, calling himself loyal, deserves the execration of mankind and the vengeance of God. The great political problem, then, immediately before the nation for solution is, whether this evil spirit of division. and distrust, which first hurried the rebels to destruction, has so fastened on us, as to render us incapable of what God has set before us, and unworthy of his further protection? It is a

problem which the Administration on one side, and the loyal people on the other, must determine, as they will answer to all nations, to posterity, and to God. Nor can anything be more clear than the fundamental principles which ought to regulate the action of both-the Administration carrying out the great and legitimate objects of the war in a manner not. only deserving, but conciliating the cordial approbation of all loyal people-and all such people giving the most determined support to the Administration.

The strength imparted to the Government by these recent elections and the weakness resulting from the great organized opposition, and the mutual violence of parties; present unitedly an aspect of the general condition, not very easy to be estimated, without taking into consideration the corresponding condition of the Confederate States. Their divisions may be even more perilous, though less obvious, than ours. Their difficulties, arising from immense, though cautiously expressed, hostility to the proceedings of their Government, may be even greater and more dangerous than anything that has been manifested among us. The dominant party, and the Government among them, may be in such a condition, that even a total change of Administration with us, would not arrest our triumph over them. Their Government may be laboring under far more powerful causes tending to weaken it with the people, than ours is; and no source, at all, of increase in popular strength may be left to it. If these statements indicate in some just degree, the state of parties and of public feeling among the people of the Rebel States; it is very obvious that conditions of parties and of public feeling among ourselves, that might otherwise fill us with extreme anxiety, sink correspondingly in the scale of importance. We have no doubt that, to a wide extent, all this is true; and that to all these causes the Confederate Government must add many others, the united effect of the whole of which is not only to weaken its influence from day to day, but to make its existence precarious. With a sense of the hopelessness of the contest in which they are engaged; a conviction that total ruin is the only result which is to be expected from its desperate continuance; the deceptions which the leading classes of the Rebels have practised upon the mass of the people, fill them with intense bitterness. The frightful oppression and misery

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