have heard you say that the time is not far distant when four railroad brotherhoods will be a part of the A. F. of L.

Let me assure you that self-government is guaranteed to every organization affiliated to the A. F. of L., and no species of compulsion is tolerated in our Federation. If we can not succeed in prevailing upon an organization to do the thing which, in our judgment, it ought to do; if we can not do that by this expression of our judgment, then we can not enforce that judgment by any decree or action on our part. It is the essence of voluntary action that has made this Federation the great interpreter and protestant against wrong, and somewhat of a powerful influence for the attainment of right. The jurisdiction question is the one in which we try to be helpful in bringing organizations, each claiming jurisdiction over the one class, to come to a voluntary conclusion to govern themselves. But compulsion-No!

Now, I recall with a great deal of pleasure the occasions when I have had the opportunity to speak to the conventions of some of the railroad brotherhoods; in fact, I think all of them; one of them several times--the Firemen and Enginemen. I was always well received, and I take it that it was not simply to me personally, but because of the fact that I appeared before the convention as a representative of the A. F. of L., and of its spirit as well as its achievements. One of the things that I recall with a great deal of pleasure was my appearance before the convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers at Harrisburg about three years ago. It was about that time that the newspapers discovered that this mild-mannered man, Warren S. Stone, did really possess backbone, for I know that several of the Wall Street papers just gave him a good rubbing down, and at the convention I congratulated the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers upon the fact that the newspapers had at last discovered President Stone. And I think I took occasion to admonish the delegates that sometimes it is necessary for the working people, and the organization of labor particularly, to show that they have both teeth and claws-not all the time, but only when necessary.

Now, without attempting at this time to discuss the Adamson Law-the eight-hour law-it is exceedingly peculiar that those who antagonize the law predicate their action upon the statement that it is not an eight-hour law. Since when have these railroad magnates, or their lawyers, been the advocates of an eighthour workday?

Men of the railroad brotherhoods, just this remark to you: We expect that the railroad brotherhoods will, on the first of January, inaugurate the eight-hour workday, and I think -I can truly say to you that whatever may arise, whatever betide, you have the undivided support of every man and every woman in the organized labor movement as represented

in the A. F. of L. When the money power of the United States failed in trying to corrupt the electorate of the United States and to mislead them, when their well-laid plans were frustrated by the citizenship of the United States, they showed their colors and they met, quite a number of them, and then they gave to the public the declaration that they were going to antagonize every effort put forth by organized labor; that they would fight us industrially, politically and legislatively-I need not say that judicially they already have done so that they represent eight billions of dollars; that there were 15,000 employers; that they employed about seven million working people, and that they were going to use every instrumentality within their power in order to balk, defeat or undo the work of the American labor movement.

Now, that is their right, so long as they own the money; so long as they hold that position, they have a right to antagonize our movement, notwithstanding the fact that our movement stands for manhood, for womanhood, for childhood, as against their billions of dollars. I say to you it is their lawful right to make the fight against us, and all I can say in answer is: "You men of wealth, be careful how far you go, for there is a limit to human endurance. You throw down the gauntlet and we will accept the challenge!" And when it comes we will quote from the greatest bard the world ever had-Lay on, Macduff; and damned be he who first cries, Hold! Enough!'

Men, you executives of the railroad brotherhoods, you may count upon the men of labor in this land of ours. You will find that we will ring true and stand true.

All of the addresses indicated the united militant spirit that characterizes the wageearners of America. The convention by a rising vote expressed unanimously their gratification of the presence of the chiefs of the brotherhoods, and expressed the hope that they would soon become members of the A. F. of L.

Not only did the Baltimore Convention of the A. F. of L. pledge to the railroad men unfailing support in their eight-hour fight, but it declared unalterable resistance to the proposal to shackle railroad men or any other wage-earners with compulsory regulations limiting the right to stop work. The legis- . lative program considered by Congress in connection with the impending strike of all the transportation lines of the country contained, in addition to an eight-hour proposal, legislation modeled after the Canadian Compulsory Investigation of Industrial Disputes Act.

The organized labor movement demands freedom and an opportunity for wage-earners to work out their own problems. They resent and resist all efforts to place restrictions upon them. The position of the workers of the United States is that of the workers of all countries wherever an effort has been made to limit the right to strike under any guise. All such proposals are a call to free workers to battle to the last of human endurance.

INTERNATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS.

The long-established custom intended to give expression to fraternity and internationalism is the exchange of fraternal delegates by the labor movement of Great Britain and that of the United States. This custom has enabled the workers of both countries to get acquainted with many members of the labor movements of both countries.

To the delegates to the annual convention of the A. F. of L. and to the British Trades Union Congress there have come each year spoken greetings from the masses of the workers across the sea. They have had the means for intimate inside and first-hand information of the struggles and the achievements of their fellow-workers, and so the workers of both countries have come to learn in a real fashion that the problems and the purposes of the labor movements of both countries have much in common.

Fraternal delegates Gosling and Whitefield from the British Trades Union Congress of this year, were men of long experience in the British labor movement. Out of the knowledge and wisdom of years they brought us greetings from fellow-workers of a country engaged in a titanic struggle for existence and for institutions of freedom.

It was an additional cause of gratification that the Baltimore Convention had a report from its own fraternal degates to the British Trades Union Congress, something that circumstances have prevented at the last two previous conventions.

The report of fraternal delegates Mahon and Wolff was one of unusual interest and replete with important information. They had taken notes at the various sessions of the Congress in order to bring back definite, vital information and accurate interpretation of the feeling and the problems of the British workers.

Since the labor movement is a power in world affairs, that influence ought to be used for constructive as well as for defensive purposes. The workers of all countries have a duty to perform in helping to shape international relations and institutions.

America's workers, although as yet not drawn into the world cataclysm, have felt keenly the human suffering and loss of life involved and have become increasingly mindful of the obligation that devolves upon all to take every possible measure to make a recurrence of such a war improbable, if not impossible. This purpose of the A. F. of L. was dealt with in the report of the E. C. to the Baltimore Convention.

The E. C. has suggested plans whereby the workers of all countries may take advantage of opportunities that will be presented with the cessation of war and the making of peace treaties. The conviction has become general that if peace is to be maintained between nations the somewhat chaotic and vague field of international relations must be organized for peace. The minds and conscience of men have been educated to an appreciation of the value and necessity for peace as the basis for civilized effort, but the agencies for realizing that ideal have not yet been developed. The immediate efforts of civilized nations must be concerned with the organization of international governmental agencies. It is necessary that the ideas and interests of the masses of the people of all countries should be given consideration when the spirit and the principles determining international relations are in the making and agencies are being established.

It is important that the forces that stand for humanity and human interest shall be represented from the time when the first efforts are made to reorganize international relations. It is far better that the human side of international relations should develop normally with all other phases rather than that persistent and continuous efforts be made later to inject the needs and the claims of humanity into an organization that has already taken form and adopted policies.

The Baltimore Convention reaffirmed its endorsement of proposals to hold a world labor congress at the same time and place that the World Peace Congress shall be held to determine terms and conditions of peace be

tween nations. In addition, it declared that the labor movements of all countries represented in that congress ought to insist that representatives of organized labor be included in their national delegation to the World Peace Congress. Such a provision would enable the workers of all countries to find direct consideration for their interests and demands.

In addition to the section dealing with this subject in the report of the E. C. to the Baltimore Convention, the Council suggested a few fundamental principles necessary to democratize international relations. A supplementary report was submitted to the convention presenting additional communications that had been received from the International Federation of Trade Unions as well as suggestions for international organization. The suggestions were published in the American Federationist, December, 1916, pp. 1154-6.

The purpose of these suggestions is to provide opportunities for the workers to further their interests and protect their rights. The purpose of any fundamental international agreement is to establish agencies by which results can be accomplished. Once the opportunity is assured the labor movements of all countries will accomplish the rest.

What labor movements can accomplish in the field of international relations was demonstrated through the report which the E. C. made upon the subject of Mexico, and by the addresses which Mr. Carlos Loveira, of Yucatan, Mexico, and Delegate Cannon made to the convention. When the working people of two countries have an agency by which they can obtain reliable information and can express truly the feeling of their countries, there has been established a way by which an element of reasonableness is injected into international relations and by which it becomes less possible to precipitate two countries into an unjustifiable and unnecessary war.

The experiences of the past year have brought the workers of Mexico into closer relations with those of the United States. There has been established a feeling of mutual confidence that can not be easily eradicated. What has been accomplished is the basis for still greater achievements.

There is an immediate opportunity by which the labor movement of the United States can render material service to the workers of Mexico. Additional information was received

after the E. C. had prepared its report to the convention. This information was by the convention submitted to the Committee on International Relations, to which was referred everything pertaining to Mexico. The report of that committee upon this subject contains information of fundamental importance and was adopted. It is as follows:

We recommend that the Executive Council be authorized and instructed to continue their present policies and to be on the alert to take advantage of all future opportunities for furthering humanitarian ideals and protecting the rights and interests of the workers of both countries.

The purposes of the Mexican revolution appeal to the highest concepts and impulses of all liberty-loving men and women. The struggle now in progress in Mexico is the effort of a nation to free itself from irresponsible use of governmental power and from the fetters of tyranny. We affirm the right of every nation to work out its own destiny in accord with the concepts and the genius of its own people. The labor movement of the United States through the President and the A. F. of L. and its E. C. has been helpful in maintaining this right for the labor movement of Mexico, and we recommend that such intercourse and conferences as may be deemed helpful to this purpose shall be continued.

One immediate course for action presents itself. President Gompers submitted to this committee a decree issued by General Venustiano Carranza, First Chief of the Constitutionalist Government in Mexico City, on AuThat decree is of vital imgust 1, 1916. portance to the very existence of the labor movement of Mexico. It is based upon principle of universal significance to the workers of all countries, as is disclosed in these sections which we here quote:

a

Article 1. The death penalty shall be applied, not only to disturbers of the peace mentioned in the Law on January 25, 1862, but also to:

First-Those who may incite workmen to strike in factories and concerns devoted to public service, or who may engage in propaganda to that end; to those who may preside at meetings where such strikes are proposed, discussed, or approved; to those who may defend or uphold the same; to those who may approve or subscribe thereto; to those who may attend said meetings, or may not withdraw from the same as soon as they learn their purpose; and to those who strive to render the strike effective after it has once been declared.

Second-To those who, because of the suspension of work in said factories, or in any other, take advantage of disorders occasioned, or to aggravate matters and impose the strike by force, should proceed to damage, or destroy property of the concerns operated by the

employes or workmen interested in the suspension, or belonging to other concerns whose workmen it is desired to cause to strike; and to those, who, with the same purpose, may foment public disturbances, either against public functionaries or against private parties, or who may have recourse to violence against the person or property of any citizen, or citizens, or who may proceed to take possession of, or destroy, or cause damage to public or to private property, and

Third-To those who by means of threats, or the use of force may prevent that others may work in the concern to take the place of strikers.

Since this decree represents a tendency manifested by other governments to deny wageearners the necessary fundamental rights of free workers, we feel it the duty of this convention to voice the cause of labor in all countries. Because of the peculiar advantages which our nation or our labor movement now enjoys, we can give expression to the unalterable determination of the workers everywhere to refuse to relinguish a right secured or mirimize

justice.

our demands for freedom and

Your committee learns with satisfaction that the President of the A. F. of L. has already emphatically declared to the representatives of the Constitutionalist Government of Mexico that Labor's sympathy with and approval of that government were based upon the friendly, helpful relations between it and the labor movement of Mexico and that continuation of that policy is necessary to our confidence.

On behalf of the Constitutionalist Government of Mexico its representatives explained that the cause of the issuance of the decree of August 1, 1916, was not against strikes inaugurated for improved conditions of the workers of Mexico, but that an order for a general strike had been issued by irresponsible, and at the time unknown parties and demands made for conditions impossible to be conceded and that the government's representatives in Mexico sought in vain to have a conference with the persons who called the strike for the purpose of reaching an adjustment, but that no representative of any of the workers, organized or unorganized responded.

Efforts have already been made to secure the revocation or the modification of the decree outlawing strikes in Mexico, and we recommend that this convention authorize and direct that these efforts be continued to the end that the labor movement of this country be helpful in every honorable way in restoring to Mexican wage-earners the rights and opportunities of free workers.

As the report of the committee states, the support and the assistance that the organized labor movement of the United States has

given to the Constitutionalist government has been based on the relationship that existed between that government and the labor movement of Mexico. If the Constitutionalist government of Mexico establishes a regulation that denies to the Mexican workers the fundamental right of free workers-the right to stop working--then the Constitutionalist government has made it impossible for the A. F. of L. to continue its sympathy and support. The report of the committee also states that the president of the A. F. of L. has already brought to the attention of representatives of the Constitutionalist government the attitude of the A. F. of L. toward the decree making strikes illegal, and has secured the assurance of those representatives that the decree was intended only as an emergency measure and will be repealed or modified when the conditions that occasioned it have been modified.

Because not only in Mexico but in other countries there exists an effort to restrict the rights of workers and to deny them necessary freedom, the labor movement of the United States, which now enjoys these rights, must become the spokesman of the workers of all countries, and must voice opposition to the effort to deny workers the right to quit work when and where they please.

Even in our own free country, although not involved in war, there exists an effort to restrict the rights of workers to exercise or to withhold their labor power. This fundamental right to control labor power is the basis for industrial freedom. The American labor movement will oppose all efforts to force unfreedom upon the workers of this or any other country. The Baltimore Convention declared that whatever influence we possess will be used to protect the workers of Mexico.

In addition to the report of efforts made during the past year to organize Pan-American labor relations and to establish a PanAmerican Federation of Labor a personal report was made to the Baltimore Convention by Mr. Carlos Loveira, who had just returned from a tour of Spanish-American countries in the interest of that movement. He reported to the convention that his mission was received with favor in all countries, and that he found a spirit of enthusiasm. One of the immediate developments, therefore, in the