Union Congress.

(Continued from November Issue.)

FRATERNAL Delegates.

One of the pleasant features of the convention was the cordial reception tendered your delegates and the interest displayed in our fraternal greetings. Mr. W. D. Mahon, in his address, explained the reasons for the invitation to an international congress which the Congress had disapproved and of the difficulties which had confronted the American workers as a consequence of the European war. Mr. Matthew Woll addressed the Congress upon the efforts of the American workers to improve their condition of work and life, explaining the obstacles encountered in securing remedial legislation and, when secured, to maintain its constitutionality. He also advised the Congress of the remarkable legislative achievements secured through the American Federation of Labor, such as the Clayton law and the seamen's enactment.

Mr. J. Simpson, of the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress, in his address referred to the fact that the Congress had refused to take part in the proposed international trade-union conference to take a share in the peace terms, and said that the Canadian Congress had agreed to be represented at that conference. What would the British workers say when they found the colonies at that conference and the mother country entirely absent from it? His suggestion was that in any future action the Congress took calling for a conference of the Allies that they should not forget the colonies of the empire.

M. L. Jochaux, the delegate of the French General Confederation of Labor, addressed the Congress in French, urging that they ought to become pacifists again as soon as the present calamity had passed and work in agreement to obtain a durable basis of peace. That desire for peace, however, could only find its realization when the violated nationalities had been absolutely reconstituted and reparation exacted for rights outraged by force.

The delegate of the Belgian Federation of Trade Unions, Mr. C. Mahlman, in the name of his compatriots, thanked the Congress for what they had done for the Belgians of Belgium. The message he brought from his countrymen was: "The working classes are resolved to undergo every conceivable hardship and the deepest suffering rather than accept a German settlement which would not give a lasting and enduring peace."

Messrs. H. Gosling and W. Whitefield were elected as delegates to the American Federation of Labor and Blackpool was selected as the meeting place of next year's Congress.

OBSERVATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS.

In the foregoing report your delegates have tried to carefully avoid expressing their individual and personal opinions. We have en

free from all bias and prejudice, yet sufficiently clear to evidence the reasons prompting the Congress in its conclusions. There are a few subjects, however, upon which we feel it our duty to venture our opinions.

Although it is said that there are nominally three bodies that speak for labor, the Labor party, the General Federation of Trades and the Trade Union Congress, it is a freely admitted and indisputable fact that the Trade Union Congress is in many ways the most truly representative body of the workers. This year's Congress was not only the largest in attendance of delegates, but in membership as well. Six hundred and sixty-seven delegates were present, representing a membership of nearly three million workers. It is interesting, if not impressive, to note that despite the turbulent conditions of trade, due to the nation's participation in war, that compared with the Congress of the previous year the affiliated membership has been increased by 168,190. This year's Congress was vested with unusual interest, not only in consequence of the great part which labor is playing today, but rather for the part it will play in the many problems that must arise after this world contest.

The first impression that one gets is the large number of elderly delegates in attendance. While the old hands, such as presidents and general secretaries, were said to be present as usual, quite a few younger delegates were noticeable among those in attendance. The increasing number of young delegates was heralded as a good indication and as evidencing a growing interest of the rank and file and the addition of new blood and enthusiasm ready and eager to participate in the fighting essential for improving the conditions of life and work of labor.

Another impression formed relates to the procedure followed in submitting proposals for consideration to the Congress and the method of discussion by which final conclusions are agreed to. While the method in use unquestionably makes for brevity and expedition it is equally true that the procedure followed does not admit of the extensive consideration of problems, and for the full and free discussion allowed by our method. Although their method and procedure are intended to expedite the work of the Congress, the same hurried consideration of problems was nevertheless experienced during the last few days of the Congress, as has been required by the conventions of the American Federation of Labor on a number of occasions. Without intending or desiring to pass judgment upon their method of conducting the affairs of the Congress, believing that our short acquaintance with the work of the Congress has not qualified us any more than would the British fraternal delegates to the American Federation of Labor be qualified to pass judgment on our procedure, nevertheless we believe the method followed by the Congress inapplicable to the affairs of the American Federation of Labor.

Public opinion and the war being in the state that they are, it was not surprising that the Trade Union Congress disapproved the problem of diplomacy and democracy_raised by the rejected recommendation of the Parliamentary Committee to co-operate in the holding of an international conference at the same time and place as the meeting of the peace plenipotentiaries recommended by the American Federation of Labor. By rejecting this proposition the opportunity has been delayed for the time being of asserting the right of the democracies of the world to a real influence upon the afterwar settlement. Regardless of this adverse decision your delegates feel that the action of the Congress will not preclude the American Federation of Labor of finding a modified method for an international conference or impressing upon all labor movements the necessity of doing their utmost in order that the democracies of the world may have a larger share in determining international relations, and a fuller knowledge of ambassadorial conversations than heretofore. We feel confident that further discussions and continued negotiations with all European labor organizations will remove some of the very dangerous misconceptions which seemed to prevail at the Congress, and thus clear the way for a future co-operation.

The delegates to the Trade Union Congress were deeply imbued with a sense of their important and increasing responsibilities. Realizing, as they do now, the importance of the part they play in the national scheme of things, they also realize more clearly than ever before the necessity for a change in their relationship to their employers and to the State. It has been found that labor can no longer be regarded and treated as a mere market commodity, but must be recognized as a human force, carrying in its hands and brain, in its power to do its best or worst in the sphere of labor, the potentialities of victory or defeat. The British workers are convinced that labor must have a greater share of the wealth which it produces; it must have greater security of position, more leisure, better conditions and a chance to live a nobler and better life. Labor now claims a share in the management and control of industry. This unquestionably is a far-reaching reform —a revolution, call it what you will-that labor can achieve. To be no longer a mere commodity, subject to the hagglings of the market and employer's whims, but a human directing and impelling force in the industry itself is an ideal the British workers now believe worthy of every sacrifice and every human effort. Perhaps out of the calamity of war may be raised a finer and higher social state and a greater and more humane conception of brotherhood. We urge that no time, effort or money be spared to secure in permanent and accessible form complete data of all movements and policies contemplated and followed, and everything relating thereto, by all the gov

ernments at war, and by the respective labor movements, so that the American Federation of Labor and its affiliated organizations may be fully prepared at all times to meet whatever emergency, circumstance or condition may threaten the tranquility of our people, endanger the life and liberties, hopes and aspirations of the working men and women of our country and affect the welfare and wellbeing of our children.

We direct your attention to another subject somewhat with a feeling of hesitancy yet mindful of our duty, wherein that which may now seem innocent on the surface is nevertheless pregnant with grave danger if allowed to develop. While not pronounced as such, there has been developing the thought among British workers that the Trade and Labor Congress of Canada is a movement separate and distinct from the American Federation of Labor. Unconsciously this belief is given credence in the statements of its representatives in their discussions and addresses which have a tendency to create the belief in its listeners that the policies and actions of the American Federation of Labor are not binding unless agreed to by the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada as a separate and distinctive entity. Then, too, there is a strong desire developing in Great Britain to extend and strengthen the ties of the British Trade Movement and the Trade Union Movement of the Dominions. Indeed, a resolution having this purpose for its final object received the indorsement of the British Trades Union Congress. The convention will no doubt recall that the General Federation of Trade Unions, some time ago, recognized the full and complete autonomy of the American Federation of Labor over the Trade and Labor Congress of Canada. Yet we apprehend a degree of injury from this declaration by the recent action of the Congress, and therefore urge a careful consideration of this entire subject by this convention.

Perhaps an unnoticed feature of the foregoing report is the absence of any reference to disputes of jurisdiction between the trades unions of Great Britain. It is true that the Congress itself did not deal with questions arising out of jurisdictional controversies. It is equally true that we are not alone affected with these continual organization disturbances. Jurisdictional controversies exist in British Trade Union Movement as well as they exist in our movement, although a more tolerant spirit is manifested on the part of all disputants.

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in the matter of amalgamation the Congress and the British trade unions find themselves seriously hampered and restricted by the Trades Union Act, which denies the right of any two or more organizations of amalgamating until at least two-thirds of their entire respective memberships agree and vote to accept whatever plan of amalgamation is pro

posed. The future efforts of the Congress will be directed to remove this restrictive feature of the Trades Union Act.

The British Trade Union, Congress and trades unions are unquestionably burdened by an obvious sense of responsibility. They who have so proudly proclaimed themselves the freest of all workers have sacrificed, almost without a murmur, most of their hardwon liberties and rights in order, so they believe, to win a historic battle for the freedom of the peoples against dynasts, diplomats and militarists. Today's crisis is whether after making so many of these sacrifices to win the war the Trades Union Congress will be well armed and well prepared to meet the conditions arising during the period of reconstruction. Since their entry into war the British workers have accepted conscription, and it would be foolish not to admit that a good deal of conscription has crept into industry itself. It is evident that militarism, adopted as a principle, involves both the soldiers and the workers. With every ablebodied worker subject to military service, unless exempted and employed in the manufacture of munitions or war materials, or other essential employment, the right not to work or to give up employment singly or collectively has been practically annulled. Compulsion seems to dominate extensively.

In adition, over 600,000 women have taken the places of men in factories during the war. The need for a comprehensive plan to meet the problems of demobilization and undilution of labor is not so easily accomplished. The women's question alone bristles with difficulties. The British trades unionists are realizing that the pledges of one government do not bind its successors. While every effort is bent to have the Government fulfill the promise that prewar conditions are restored in industry when the war ends, nevertheless a number of trade unions are taking steps to ascertain the best method by which to compel the re-establishment of former practices and conditions of work. Quoting President Gosling from his address to the Congress, he has this to say:

"When the Government on the resumption of peace suddenly lessens its gigantic payroll, the biggest that the world has ever seen, and stops its collossal orders for every conceivable commodity-when millions of soldiers are disbanded at approximately the same time that two or three million munition workers are discharged--when something like a third of the whole wage-earning population of this country will be simultaneously losing their jobs-there is bound to be almost a flood of men and women seeking new situations. Then it is that we shall see whether the Government has been equal to its task. Unless adequate preparations are made in advance-indeed, unless proper steps are not already being taken-the trade unions will find their funds rapidly depleted, and their members standing unemployed by hundreds of

thousands. This will be a moment of the gravest industrial peril."

Concluding our report, we wish to record our sincere thanks and appreciation for the most cordial and very pleasant welcome tendered us by the officers and delegates to the British Trades Union Congress. We are more than thankful to the delegates to the last three conventions of the American Federation of Labor for the honor they have bestowed in electing us delegates to this meeting. Unquestionably we have greatly profited by the opportunity which the Federation afforded us, and we sincerely hope that this report may to some degree prove commensurate with the trust that the American organized workers reposed in us. We left for England with an unquestioned faith in the American labor movement. We return to you today more fully convinced of the righteousness of our movement, the justice of our cause, and with a renewed and greater faith in the ultimate success and final triumph of the trade union movement of America.

Respectfully submitted,

MATTHEW WOLL, WILLIAM D. MAHON.

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