P

EOPLE everywhere are coming to realize that the annual convention of the federated labor movement of this country is one of the most important events of the year, for the delegates to these conventions represent more than the organized workers, they voice the ideals and deal with the problems of the unorganized as well as the organized. Organized workers are the only spokesmen for the vast number of toilers who remain inarticulate because they have no instrumentality through which to voice their protests, their needs and their yearnings.

The four hundred delegates of the organized labor movement that met in Baltimore in November represented the millions who work for wages. A declaration enunciated by that group is a statement of the purposes and the determination of the majority of the inhabitants of the United States. The declarations of these conventions do not deal in unessentials or things only remotely connected with the lives of the workers; they deal with the fundamentals of life; with the things which are interwoven in the processes of living and which arouse the deepest feeling among these millions, which they will contend for so long as any part of their creed of life remains unaccomplished.

That the organized labor movement is the militant wing of the wage-earners was evident in the personalities and the physical characteristics of the delegates to the convention. The greater number of them, strong, sturdy, upstanding men, with steady eyes, clear minds and stout hearts ready to examine whatever suggestions and problems were presented and to judge them dispassionately, yet intensively, in the light of experience and the struggle for industrial betterment. They were aggressive, confident men, many of them grown grey and wise in the labor movement. In their attitude towards all problems and individuals there was an aggressiveness that comes from realization of rights and knowledge of their own power to maintain them.

The matters that came before the convention were manifold and interwoven with various interests of the common life.

There is nothing in world life that does not in some way touch the labor movement, for the workers are connected with every activity which makes use of the results of constructive labor.

Wherever labor is exercised there human interests are involved. The human agency in any line of work is the most important factor involved. There has never been any thought or care given to the human element in industry and commerce that has not come as the result of the aggressive, intelligent activity of the workers themselves.

So in the Baltimore Convention matters were considered which concerned world government, international relations, as well as the relationship between the individuals within our own country. Some of the more important and significant actions of the convention are reviewed in what follows.

HIGH COST OF LIVING.

There is hardly a person in the country who has not felt the effects of the gradually increasing prices of all the necessities of life. For wage-earners the problem has become critical. The convention adopted a resolution urging upon President Wilson and Congress the necessity of placing an embargo upon the exportation of wheat and other foodstuffs, as far as our legal or treaty rights will permit, until our domestic supplies are fully provided, and the costs of living are reduced to' normal. The convention also urged a prompt, rigid and full investigation by Congress of the holding up in this country of all lines of foodstuffs, fuel and so forth, not because of shortage of product, but entirely for the purpose of raising prices above the normal rate.

It is particularly fitting that the commission to make the proposed investigation should include representatives of the organized labor movement. The convention's declaration on this subject has since been placed in the hands of President Wilson.

FOR COMPREHENSIVE EDUCATION. Among the many matters of an educational nature which the convention approved were the industrial education and vocational training bill now pending in the House, the proposed investigation of the system of education in operation in Gary, Ind., and the Junior Erickson Club movement, which represents an effort to organize boys and girls into clubs for helpful amusements and diversions conducive to good health and to physical training, and also to educate them in the principles of trade unionism.

It was decided that the A. F. of L. issue a Labor's Year Book containing a summary of matters of interest in connection with the labor movement and showing the development, growth, as well as policies.

Of educational importance was a resolution adopted by the convention as follows:

Resolved, That the American Federation of Labor, in convention assembled in the city of Baltimore, register its unrelenting opposition to any scheme or system which denies freedom of speech, press or the showing of motion pictures, when they are based on facts; and be it further

Resolved, That this convention go on record as being in opposition to government censorship of expression of opinion in any form, and that we endorse again the declaration that freedom of expression of opinion, freedom of speech, and the freedom of the press, and motion pictures are the palladium of free institutions; and be it further

Resolved, That the Executive Council investigate and report to the next convention of the A. F. of L. some practical plan by which we can get Labor's side of and all questions before the general public through the motion pictures of the country.

THE SHORTER WORKDAY.

There were several resolutions introduced dealing with the shorter workday for different classes of workers-for all workers-but everything else on this subject was overshadowed by the transcendent importance of the struggle in which the railroad brotherhoods are engaged over the eight-hour workday.

In order that the entire labor movement of the country might present a united front on this contest and make employers feel the concentrated power of solidarity in the labor movement, the convention adopted the following declaration :

We strongly urge all workers, organized and unorganized, to concentrate their efforts to se

cure the eight-hour workday at the earliest possible time.

We pledge the unswerving determination of the American labor movement to the eighthour principle and in order to carry out this purpose your committee recommends that the foregoing resolutions be referred to a special committee to be appointed by the President of the American Federation of Labor with powers to confer with representatives of the organized employes of the transportation companies, the committee to report to the E. C. of the A. F. of L. at the time and in the manner it deems advisable, but at least four weeks before the next annual convention of the A. F. of L.

This action is deemed advisable in view of the fact that a law was recently passed by Congress regulating the hours of certain employes in transportation service. A contest is now on involving these employes, the government of our country and the railroad corporations, and the facts brought out in this contest and the final determination will vitally affect the eight-hour principle of all workers.

Thus, in view of the critical situation in which the railway workers find themselves, the Baltimore Convention expressed the true spirit of fraternity and declared for the fundamental principle without considering at that time any controversal matter that might have the effect of giving any aid or comfort to Labor's opponents in their effort to defeat the immediate and ultimate aspirations of Labor.

LABOR'S RIGHT TO REPRESENTATION.

The report of the E. C. to the 1916 convention emphasized Labor's right to representation in all agencies dealing with matters affecting the welfare of the workers. The committee to which the subject was referred made the following report, which was adopted by the convention :

We believe that Labor's right to representation on all agencies controlling or determining public policies should be frankly and freely expressed whenever the opportunity presents itself. To this end we recommend that the E. C. prepare a special circular letter for state federations and central labor councils calling attention to the urgent need for more proportionate labor representation, not only in city councils, state legislatures and in Congress, but also on every city, state and federal commission that deals with public policies or matters of general concern.

We desire further to lay emphasis upon the urgent need for labor representation on city school boards, state boards of education, and, last, but not least, on the governing boards of our state-owned universities. What we need badly in many of our so-called higher insti

tutions of learning is more of the spirit which has recently found trite expression here in congressional enactments, i. e., that human rights must always take precedence over property rights. Every state-owned university should serve all the people, but this can scarcely be expected if none but captains of industry, bankers, lawyers, etc., direct its affairs and inspire its policy toward the workers who comprise the majority of each state's citizenship.

MILITARISM.

The question of militarism came before the convention in the form of a resolution declaring against military instruction in public schools. The debate which ensued showed clearly that the representatives of the organized labor movement felt the insidious dangers of militarism and were keenly aware of the burdens that might be imposed upon workers by war and by many schemes under the pretense of military preparations, and indicated also that the opinion of the labor movement had not crystallized, and that as yet no constructive plan had been agreed upon. Therefore, a special committee was appointed to consider the whole subject, and to report to the E. C. constructive declarations so that the movement might be in a position, not only to oppose proposals, but to make suggestions furthering the best interests of all patriotic citizens. The committee reported the following declaration which was unanimously adopted:

We are unalterably and emphatically opposed to "militarism," that system fostered and developed by tyrants with the object of supporting their arbitrary authority and utilized by those whose predatory designs or ambitions for power and worldly glory lead them to invade and subdue other nations, destroying their liberties, acquiring their wealth and fastening the yoke of bondage upon them.

The American trade union movement is convinced by the experience of mankind that "militarism," even in its less horrid manifestations, brutalizes those influenced by the spirit of the institution. Under the baleful thrall of the savage instincts which it arouses, the finer elements of humanity are strangled. Under "militarism" a pseudo-patriotism is established in the minds of the people wherein men believe that there is nobility and heroism in dying for the glory of a dynasty, or the maintenance of institutions which are inimical to human progress and democratic institutions. "Militarism" is the appeal of arbitrary and irresponsible force as opposed to reason and justice.

Resistance to injustice and tyranny is that virile quality which has given purpose and ef

fect to ennobling causes in all countries and at all times. The institutions of our country and the freedom won by its founders would have been impossible had they been unwilling to die in defense of their liberties. Only a people willing to maintain their rights and defend their liberties are guaranteed free institutions. Conditions foreign to the institutions of our country have prevented the entire abolition of organized bodies of men trained to carry arms. A citizen soldiery supplies what would otherwise take its place, a large standing army-to which we are unalterably opposed as tending to establish "militarism" in all of its phases. Large standing armies 'threaten the existence of civil liberty. The history of every nation demonstrates that as standing armies are enlarged, the rule of democracy is lessened or extinguished. Our experience has been that even this citizen soldiery, the militia of our several states, has given cause for gravest apprehension. times their ranks have been recruited from professional thugs, criminals and other employes of corporations involved in conflict with workmen, who are endeavoring to protect their rights and interests and elevate their standards of living.

At

During industrial disputes the militia has been called upon to support the authority of those who have desired to enforce martial law, while the courts were open and civil authorities competent to maintain the supremacy of civil law.

We declare that the militia of our several states should be organized and controlled by the democratic institutions of our country, so that this voluntary force of citizen soldiery may never be diverted from its true purpose to be used to jeopardize or infringe upon the liberties of our people.

The right to bear arms is a fundamental principle of our government, a principle regarded at all times by free people as essential to the maintenance of their liberties and institutions. We demand that this right shall remain inviolate.

Unquestionably the perpetuity of our ideals of government and the maintenance of our free institutions depend largely upon the character of training received by the youth of today-the citizens of tomorrow. While demanding that our public schools shall so teach our children as to develop keen, ready minds, and inspire them with high and lofty ideals fully prepared to intelligently exercise the duties and responsibility of a free people, we also demand that the body of every child be so trained in our schools as to develop them into full manhood and womanhood. We likewise insist that the youth of today-the worker of tomorrow-be so trained as to take his place in our industries fully equipped and prepared to protect his rights as a worker and to properly exercise his influence in our economic and industrial life.

We are, however, unalterably opposed to any

form of physical training or any quality of mental education, which would tend to inculcate the spirit of "militarism." The child's immature and impressionable mind must not be taught to think, except with horror, upon the killing of human beings. To arouse the thought that any of their school hours are devoted to preparation for the possible use of arms against their fellow-men is to brutalize their instincts and subvert the influence of the necessary lessons of humanity, peace and good will, which it is the duty of our public schools to impress upon them.

These are the principles upon which the A. F. of L. declares its position.

While opposed to the spirit and purpose of militarism, the declaration indicates the duty devolving upon all citizens to resist injustice and tyranny and to defend their rights and liberties as free men. The Baltimore Convention did not endorse "peace at any price," but declared that only a people willing to maintain their rights and defend their liberties are guaranteed freedom.

LABOR AND THE COURTS.

Vigorous declarations were adopted against those judges who have sought to pervert justice and to deny workers the right to opportunities necessary for their betterment and protection. The chief means by which courts have entered into the contest which the organized labor movement is waging with employers has been through the abuse of the writ of injunction and through the perversion of antitrust legislation to apply to associations of wage-earners.

The E. C. reported to the Baltimore Convention the state campaigns to secure under state jurisdiction protective and remedial legislation similar to the labor provisions of the Clayton Antitrust Act, and also an account of the decision of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, which repudiated the principle that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce. That court held that labor is property and that therefore injunctions may be issued regulating labor power of a human being.

The convention adopted the following declaration of opposition to judicial tyranny:

Your committee would further recommend that it be the sense of this convention that it seems to be the settled purpose of interests antagonistic to the freedom of men and women who labor to persuade and then use the judiciary to misconstrue constitutional guaranties, and thereby nullify legislative enactments so

as to leave but one remedy, and we, therefore, recommend that any injunctions dealing with the relationship of employer and employe, and based upon the dictum, "Labor is Property," be wholly and absolutely treated as usurpation and disregarded, let the consequences be what they may. Such a decision as that rendered by the Supreme Court of the State of Massachusetts has its roots in class interests; it is usurpation and tyranny. Freedom came to man because he believed that resistance to tyranny is obedience to God; as it came so it must be maintained. Kings could be and were disobeyed, and sometimes deposed. In cases of this kind judges must be disobeyed, and should be impeached.

The American labor movement will not permit the rights of the workers to be filched from them, even under guise of judicial discretion. The action of the convention upon this issue, as upon several others, indicates that the workers refuse to be blinded by disguises, but go to the heart of the issue and take an uncompromising position not only for their rights but in the maintenance of freedom for all. They will not be denied.

POLITICAL ACTION.

In no political campaign were issues more clear-cut or the interests of Labor more sharply contrasted with those of the exploiters and the special interests than in the presidential campaign of 1916. The Baltimore Convention adopted without a dissenting vote the report upon the political activities during the past campaigns. Upon motion the delegates to the convention in a body went to Washington on November 18, carrying a message of good will and the greetings of the wageearners of this country to the President of the United States. Arrangements were made for the delegates to have an opportunity of seeing the A. F. of L. Building as well as of greeting the President in the White House. The gathering of wage-earners at this meeting was a representative one, typifying all trades and callings, and representative of the entire industrial and commercial organization of the country. It was a momentous occurrence, very significant of the spirit of the times, when those who work are accorded the opportunity to present their personal greetings in a simple, unostentatious manner to the Chief Executive of the land.

Although wage-earners have long been verbally recognized as essential to the foundations of society and to the welfare of the

nation, yet they have been rarely accorded equal opportunities with men of affairs and employers. The meeting in the White House between the representatives of the wageearners of the country and the chosen representative of the nation, indicates the inauguration of an era of real democracy.

The address of President Gompers and President Wilson's reply were notable and are published as part of the printed proceedings of the convention.

Among the outstanding significant features of the Baltimore Convention were the spirit of unity and the manifest solidarity of the labor movement. Just previous to the convention one large international organization that had for years remained unaffiliated to the A. F. of L., united with the American labor movement. The only important organizations that now remain outside the Federation are the Railroad Brotherhoods. The events of the convention demonstrated the close association that exists between these brotherhoods and the A. F. of L., and the opinion was expressed that the affiliation of the brotherhoods might be expected in the near future.

The fight of the Railroad Brotherhoods to secure the eight-hour day had been prominently before the people of this country for months. The workers everywhere felt that the cause of the railway workers was their own cause. Every successful effort to establish a shorter workday for a greater number of people helps along the cause of all other workers who have not secured the eighthour workday, and makes more firm the hold of those who have already secured it. The A. F. of L. has been in full accord with the railroad organizations, and the report of the E. C. contained a full account of this particular struggle. During the convention sessions the railroad situation again became acute and the railroad chiefs were in Washington in conference with government authorities. The railroads had determined to test the constitutionality of the Adamson law.

All during the contests in which the brotherhoods have been engaged they have had the support and the close co-operation of the A. F. of L. For years their legislative committeemen have co-operated with the legislative committee of the A. F. of L. There has been practically identity of interests and harmony

of action. This spirit is gradually permeating the rank and file of the brotherhoods, and it may be expected that they will come to see that the workers in every trade must unite to present a united front in maintaining the fundamental principles of industrial freedom.

An invitation was extended to the chiefs of the four railroad brotherhoods to address the Baltimore Convention. At the beginning of the session of the eighth day, in the order in which they themselves had selected, the railroad chiefs presented to the representatives of the organized labor movement the fundamental principles at issue in their struggle for the eight-hour workday.

The opportunity afforded the railroad chiefs to present clearly and truthfully their side of the contest to the representatives of the entire organized labor movement of America was one of tremendous significance. That meeting foreshadows the solidarity of all of the workers in behalf of the fundamental step in human welfare and a shorter workday. The necessity for such an alliance was demonstrated by the organization announced by the press as the National Industrial Conference Board, and which was composed of men representing fifteen thousand employers employing seven millions of working people, and controlling eight billions of dollars. This organization of employers was formed to destroy the labor movement-to fight organized labor economically, politically and judicially. In the face of this defiance on the part of hostile employers, the splendid solidarity of the workers of this country is an element of hope. The speeches made by the chiefs of the four railroad brotherhoods are of historic importance.

The words of the railroad chiefs found a very hearty response from the delegates, which manifested itself in applause and cheering. Because of the widespread request that President Gompers' reply should be given the fullest publicity it is here reproduced.

President Gompers said;

As President of the A. F. of L., I should, before these four brothers leave us, express what I believe is in the minds of the delegates to express and which I desire to interpret.

You are right welcome with us, Mr. Stone, Mr. Carter, Mr. Lee and Mr. Sheppard, right welcome. We wish you were here absolutely as the delegates to this convention are here. And it is a great comfort to know and to