human betterment, controlling nothing but human labor power.

Such perversion of anti-trust laws threaten the very existence of organized labor.

Men

The position of these hostile employers was made almost invulnerable by their control in Congress and in the state legislatures. who held a feudal idea of the rights of workers were in positions of parliamentary control in Congress. Because of their opposition it became practically impossible to secure from Congress any legislation of a humanitarian character. This was the situation when it became imperatively necessary for the workers of the United States to secure remedial legislation-legislation that would assure to them their fundamental rights as free citizens and their right to organize for their own protection and betterment.

It will be remembered that the now historic case against the Danbury Hatters was begun in 1903. It was upon this case that the Supreme Court rendered its decision that the Sherman Anti-trust law was applicable to associations of wage-earners.

In this case the workers were opposed by the Anti-Boycott Association which represented the worst element of profit-grabbing employers. In the course of this case the full significance of the principles at issue were disclosed.

Under the decision rendered by the Supreme Court of the United States it was plain that any association of workers that attempted to achieve the purposes for which it was organized would be regarded by the courts as an illegal conspiracy and its members would be liable to threefold damages. During the time when this case was in progress injunctions against workers increased in number and became correspondingly audacious in forbidding the workers to do things which they had a lawful right to do. This combination of conditions made it plain that some new political policy must be adopted by the A. F. of L. in order to prevent the destruction of the whole

movement.

Three courses were open:

First, the formation of a new independent labor party.

Second. The alliance with one of the oldline parties.

Third. Independent nonpartisan political action.

The need for relief was imperative. The formation of a new party requires years and even then its ultimate success is always problematical. Partisan activity requires funds, the building up of a political machine with headquarters and representatives throughout the whole country. It was evident with little consideration that this policy was impracticable.

Political conditions are such in the United States that the wage-earners have been united to one or the other of the two strong, political parties and that they are bound to these parties by ties of fealty and of tradition. It would take years ever to separate any considerable number of workers from their fealty to the old party. In addition to these, economic interests such as tariff policies are a strong factor in determining the party allegiance of wage-earners. The formation of a new party would mean the formulation of a complete political program for the wageearners. In drawing up such a policy it would be impossible to avoid controversial questions and hence it would be impossible to secure the united action of the wage-earners upon all questions. However, it is a very simple and natural thing to secure united action upon fundamentals. Alliance in any party already formed would be responsible for the practices and purposes of that party and responsible for its "practical politics."

If this policy were adopted success could be achieved only when the party with which the alliance was made came into power. To those who have studied the psychology of partisan politics. it requires only a reference to disclose the disadvantages of this policy. Party success carries with it the necessity for party rewards. The party assumes the responsibility for legislation and for administration. It is placed in the position of defense. Such an alliance would make it necessary for the workers to use part of their power in defending the administration and thereby reduce their effectiveness in fighting for their own legislation.

It was urged at the time, and has been repeatedly suggested that the organized workers of the United States ought to adopt the Socialist Party as its political organization, but adopting the Socialist Political Party could not be separated from adopting the Socialist theory, Socialist Utopia, Socialist impossiblism and Socialist tactics. The majority of the

trade unionists of the country have always been opposed to the Socialist theory and Socialist policies.

In addition to these differences upon theories and fundamentals was the fact that the Socialist political party, under one name or another, had been in existence for years and yet had not grown to any appreciable power in national politics. It would be impossible by joining with the Socialist party to gain such control in the national congress as would result in the enactment of the legislation that was of imperative importance for the protection of the workers and for the existence of the labor movement.

Eliminating these two propositions left only the third course-independent political action. By following this policy the wage-earners would be able to unite themselves into a 'compact organization and thereby maintain the balance of power by following an opportunist policy. Instead of being partisan to a party, the workers would be in a position to be partisan to principles, and it was principles rather than party that could give aid to the workers in their time of need.

In 1906 a political conference was held in Washington at which it was decided to adopt a nonpartisan political policy and the Bill of Grievances was drawn up in which the representatives of the organized labor movement set for the legislative demands of the workers. This Bill of Grievances was presented to the responsible party representatives in Congress and to the President of the United States. It was presented formally with the statement that the workers of the country consider the enactment of these legislative demands into law necessary for their protection and for their best interests, and that if those in authority would not heed the demands of the workers, the workers would use their political power to secure the election of political representatives more friendly to the needs and the interests of humanity.

A deaf ear was turned to the demands of the workers. That story has been written up again and again, and can be found most completely in the American Federationist for August, 1913, in an article entitled "A Tale of Labor's Struggles and Its Conflict with Industrial and Political Corruption."

The test of the policy adopted by the A. F. of L. in 1906 is its effectiveness. Results were

apparent even in the elections of 1906. Those who had been most hostile to the legislation sought by labor felt labor's disapproval and opposition to them expressed in ballots cast at the polls.

The Fifty-ninth Congress, marked the beginning of the political reform that resulted in the overthrow of the reactionary politicians. In the presidential campaign of 1908 the representatives of organized labor presented to the conventions of both political parties labor's legislative demands. The Republican party refused to consider labor's demands, but the Democratic party incorporated in its party platform pledges to enact into law the fundamental demands made by the organized workers.

The campaign of organized labor succeeded in defeating many of its conspicuous opponents, either in the primaries or in the election. The results of our campaign became more apparent in Congress, as manifested in the attitude of the individual congressmen towards the representatives of labor and in the attitude of committees toward our legislative demands. Under the old reactionary politicians who were avowed enemies of organized labor, parliamentary procedure in the House and in the committees was organized to defeat all efforts of the workers to secure labor legislation.

Control over action in the House was entrusted to a few members who were relentless in their determination to suppress labor legislation. As a result of the nonpartisan political activity of the organized labor movement, Cannonism was overturned in the House, the makeup of the various committees to which labor legislation was referred became more sympathetic, and the personnel of the House became increasingly more interested and more favorable to humanitarian legislation.

Each congressional election, beginning with 1906, has resulted in the election of members in the House of Congress with paid-up union cards. In 1912 labor secured one representative in the Senate. This group of members of Congress is known as the Labor Group, and these trade unionist members of Congress represent directly labor's interest and are representative of the wage-earners of the United States. They wield a powerful influence ir furthering labor legislation in Congress because they are known to represent the great

body of American wage-earning voters. Another test of the practicability and the effectiveness of the nonpartisan political policy of the A. F. of L. is the legislation it has secured from Congress.

The pamphlet which the A. F. of L. has issued is entitled "Legislative Achievements of the A. F. of, L." In this pamphlet is enumerated the legislation secured from Congress beginning with the Fifty-ninth and extending through the Sixty-third session. The number and the importance of the legislation secured increases with each Congress and reflects directly the political influence that the workers have secured through their economic organizations.

The fundamental purposes for which the political policy of 1906 was adopted was achieved in the enactment of the labor sections of the Clayton Anti-trust Act, signed by President Wilson October 15, 1916. Section 6 of that act assures to labor unions the right of voluntary associated action. Section 20 specifically enumerates as legal, certain purposes that can be attained by collective action. The law is the Charter of Liberty for America's workers. It secures for them rights necessary for the maintenance and furtherance of better concepts of life and work. In the recent political campaign by the same political policy the workers maintained beneficent legislation already secured against the threats of enemies to wipe out all the legislation which accorded workers rights gained after years and years of struggle.

One great advantage of this policy that the A. F. of L. has pursued is that it has in no way hampered or detracted from the economic power or effectiveness of the trade unions. Nonpartisan political activity does not subordinate the economic interests of the trade unionists to partisan interests but our political policy has made our economic influence, our economic needs, our economic welfare of paramount importance. The paramount issue of our political campaign was the enactment into law of legislation that would assure the legal right to organize and secure for labor organizations the legal right to perform those activities necessary to carry out the purposes of the economic organizations.

This position is consistent with the fact that the influence exercised by the workers is derived from their economic power, together

with the increasing legislative successes of our nonpartisan political policy has come increasing power for organization and extension of our economic activities.

The policy of the whole trade union movement has been uniform and consistent, dedicated to the fundamental interests and welfare of the workers. There has been no division of effort, no division in organization, but all activities have been accomplished and directed through economic organization. Wherever the various interests of the workers have been separated and accomplished through different organizations, there friction has developed and progress is necessarily retarded. In no other country on the face of the globe are the wageearners more respected and accorded greater consideration by political parties and governmental officials than in the United States, where we have refused to subordinate our economic movement to any political party.

Kentucky Negro Knows Power of Organization.

Here is a story which vividly illustrates that which is very helpful to workingmen-organization:

A planter down in Kentucky had just employed a strange negro as a mule driver. He handed him a brand new blacksnake, climbed up on a seat behind a pair of mules and asked the darkey if he could use the whip. Without a word the mule driver drew the black lash between his fingers, swung it over his head and flicked a butterfly from a clover blossom alongside the road over which they were traveling.

"That isn't so bad," remarked the planter. "Can you hit that honey bee over there?" Again the negro swung the whip and the honey bee fell dead.

Noting a pair of bumble bees on still another blossom, the negro swished them out of existence with the cracker of his new blacksnake, and drew further admiration from his new employer.

A little further along the planter spied a hornet's' nest in a bush beside the highway. Two or three hornets were assembled at the entrance to the nest.

"Can you hit them, Sam?" he inquired.

"Yes, sah; I kin," replied the negro, "but I ain't a-going to; dey's organized.”

T

HE application of the attorneys for the workers charged with murder in the Everett, Wash., free speech case, for a change of venue from Snohomish county was heard in Everett before Judge Ronald. A mass of evidence had been filed showing great prejudice in the county against the defendants and the working-class movement generally. The prosecution did not attempt to rebut the dozens of affidavits of prejudice submitted by the defense and the judge thereupon granted a change of venue to King county, of which Seattle is the county seat.

IMPORTANCE OF THIS MOVE.

There is a certain amount of advantage accruing to the change of venue to Seattle, according to most comment. Upon the list of the prosecution's witnesses are Everett bank managers, cashiers, the most prominent money-lender of the town, and others of financial importance. This means that the jury would be chary of rendering a decision which would discredit the statements of persons to whom probably a number of the jurors would owe money, or to whom they would be in some manner obliged. But that does not hold good in a city such as Seattle. A little Everett bank manager would cut merely an inconsiderable figure there. In Everett he would be a large toad in a small puddle, in Seattle, he would be a very little toad in a big puddle!

SEATTLE PRESS TRIES TO AROUSE PREJUDICE.

The same day as the change of venue was granted, the Post-Intelligencer and the Times of Seattle came out with a frothy story about a "bomb outrage" which, they alleged, was the work of the I. W. W. A little explosion was noted on the roof of the building in which is the office of the Waterfront Employers' Union an open-shop organization on the water front. It seems that the "explosion" was probably caused by a fire-cracker thrown out of the window of a neighboring building. The papers reported Mr. Wollen, assistant-manager of the

Employers' Union, and the police, as attributing the affair to the I. W. W. and other “disgruntled" by which they mean class-conscious-water-front workers.

PAPERS CONVICTED OF LYING.

A representative of the labor press was immediately sent out to investigate the truth of the matter and it turned out that the bosses' sheets of Seattle had been spinning some of their usual wholecloth. Manager Becker, of the Waterfront Employers, said, referring to the press stories: "You may quote me as saying the stories are bunk!" Assistant-Manager Wollen, whom the papers credit with the statement that the "outrage" was perpetrated by the Industrial Workers, said, "I never said anything about an attempt on my life. I said the whole thing was a Chinese New Year's joke and laughed it off." Chief of Police Beckingham said he knew nothing about any police theory connecting it with the workers. "The papers will say anything to arouse prejudice against the I. W. W.," said the Chief.

THE MEN IN JAIL ARE STAUNCH. Yet another of the boys in jail in Everett has been operated upon for appendicitis. Young Ersson is probably another victim to the unhealthy diet of the jail. Attempts have been made to improve the conditions in the prison by the new sheriff, Mr. McCulloch, but things are by no means yet ideal. This is mainly owing to the stingy appropriations of the county, which is not averse to spending thousands for gunmen and Pinkertons to beat up and shoot workingmen, but grudges every penny for feeding them. But the boys are not making much complaint. In fact, they are denying themselves, by refusing many small comforts from the outside. "Put the money in the defense fund," they say, "or spend it on organization or educational work," when visitors offer to send them some small dainties.

WHAT ABOUT YOU?

Such is the stalwart and loyal spirit of these boys who have been cooped up in this foul, over-crowded prison for three months and

who are facing the risk of life-long imprisonment. If they can show this splendid spirit of class-loyalty, what about you on the outside? Surely there is something you can do to help in the defense of these 74 men who will be made the victims of the Lumber Trust, because they were true to our class, unless you decide to come to their aid.

There is not much time before the trial. The men have chosen to be tried separately and the first case is that of Thomas Tracy, which will come up for trial on March 5th. Upon the result of Tracy's trial depends that of all the others. The workers in many cities are planning a great nation-wide protest meeting for Sunday, March 4th. Workers in all localities should fall in line and organize mass meetings for that date. Information and explanatory literature can be obtained from the Defense Committee.

The panel of jurors, from which will be drawn the twelve to serve in the cases of the 74 men charged with murder, has been already published. There are 175 jurors on the list, of whom 71 are women.

MISS FLYNN HAS SUCCESSFUL TOUR. Elizabeth Gurley Flynn has just returned from a speaking trip through Washington, Oregon, Idaho and part of Montana in the interests of the defense of the 74 victims of Bloody Sunday. Everywhere the workers have heard eagerly the facts of the tragic and brutal massacre of November 5th, and have given willingly of their time, energy and money to help set free our imprisoned fellow workers. Miss Flynn will now be engaged until the trial in the State of Washington, and, more especially, in King county.

WELL KNOWN WOMAN VOLUNTEERS FOR
DEFENSE.

The defense has secured most valuable aid in the services of Miss Caroline A. Lowe, a woman of national prominence, who has entered into the campaign for the release of the 74 workingmen who are threatened with lifelong imprisonment for their belief in free speech. Miss Lowe is an attorney-at-law, practising in Kansas and California and was formerly vice-president of the Kansas City Teachers' Association. She was also National Lecturer for the Socialist party. Miss Lowe addressed the U. S. Senate Committee on Na

tional Suffrage, during the Suffrage hearing in 1911. She was prominent in the fight for free speech in Kansas City, Mo., in the winter of 1913-14, when the workers won a clear-cut victory, securing the right to use the streets as a public forum.

SOME VICTIMS OF THE OPEN SHOP THUGS.

H. Golden, the man who recently had his leg amputated, has been discharged from the hospital but is in no fit condition yet to move. Joseph Ghilezano, who was wounded four times and who was given: a silver knee-cap, has had to return to the hospital, his leg being in a serious condition. Both of these workingmen, who are still but boys, will probably be incapacitated for life from returning to their trades. They will bear for life the marks of the treatment received at the hands of the "law-and-order" gang. Such treatment will help the working-class to remember how much the bosses value our lives, and will make us determined to Look After Our Own Safety.

SHALL THE PACIFIC COAST MASTERS WIN

During the last few years there have been several labor cases on the Pacific Coast-and they have all been lost. The MacNamara cases, the Ford and Suhr, the Schmidt and Caplan, and the Billings and Mooney cases have all resulted so far in victory for the Manufacturers' Associations and Commercial Clubs. Now comes the Everett case. Will this also be a loss to labor? Shall the laborhating bosses, their jowls dripping with the blood of previous victims, gain yet more innocent sacrifices to their profit-lust? A great fight must be put up if we would save our fellow workers. The fight cannot be won by the Defense Committee, nor by the lawyers alone; it can only be won if the workers will back it up!

WORKERS, DO YOUR DUTY!

Workingmen should aid in this defense, not just because of sympathy with the men in jail, but because it is their duty. We believe in organization, we believe in class loyalty, and all that it implies. Therefore it is the duty of each and every one of us to come to the aid of any member of our class who is threatened with death or imprisonment because he has fought the battle of our class. Any one of