us might be in the same position tomorrow; we should then expect the workers to help us. Now, while we are on the outside, let us help those who are inside! Let every worker do his duty and the victory is ours! Don't forget, the first case starts on March 5th, when Thomas Tracy will be tried. Upon the result, of Tracy's case depend the cases of all the others.

Funds are also urgently needed. The bosses are straining every nerve to railroad these workingmen because they fought for free speech for labor. Shall we let the thugs of

Se

AMUEL GOMPERS was the smiling guest of honor at a testimonial dinner of triple significance January 28 in the Central Opera House, 205 East Sixtyseventh street, New York City. Most important of all, it was the fiftieth anniversary of his wedding, and his life partner, equally happy, was by his side. Also it was the end of his fiftieth year in union, labor circles. Third, Saturday was the sixty-seventh anniversary of his birth.

Saul

Among the other guests there were twentytwo dignified by the name of Gompers. Gompers, 92 years old and blind, the father of Samuel, was at one of the tables. The speakers included Edward Swann, District Attorney, who received an ovation when his name was called by the toastmaster, Robert P. Brindell; James Duncan, first vice-president of the American Federation of Labor; Hugh Frayne, general organizer; Frank Morrison, secretary; State Senator Robert F. Wagner; Warren S. Stone, grand chief of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers; John Mitchell, chairman of the New York State Industrial Commission; Alton B. Parker, Ralph Easley, chairman of the executive council of the National Civic Federation; Frank E. Sullivan, counsel for the New York State Federation of Labor, and the impressive Mr. Gompers himself.

There were in the neighborhood of 1,200 at the dinner. Women as well as men attended. Many of the men are widely known and have been connected with the labor movement for years. Not a few of them have worked directly with Mr. Gompers.

Over the stage in electric lights were the words, "Fifty years service to humanity." As Mr. Gompers entered the improvised dining hall the orchestra played “Our Grand Old Man," a new and popular labor song referring to the president of the American Federation of Labor. When the orchestra played "Just One Girl" in tribute to the labor chieftain's wife Mr. Gompers joined heartily in the singing. By his request "Silver Threads Among the Gold" next was played.

The following letter was sent by Dante Barton, of the Committee on Industrial Relations, to the Editor of the New York Times, in comment on an editorial in the Times on "Mr. Gomper's Golden Jubilee":

To the Editor of the New York Times:

He is

SIR-Eliminating men who hold highest office, Samuel Gompers is probably the most prominent man in the United States. the most powerful man. More persons talk and write of him than of any other man, excepting the nation's chief executive, Mr. Wilson; and excepting the nation's chief banshee, Mr. Roosevelt.

Those who do not like Mr. Gompers and his work agree to this degree with those who do like him and his work, that they accord to him remarkable ability. His greatness is more than personal. Its impersonal side is that he typifies and interprets the most powerful labor movement of American history. Your own estimate of him, as partially expressed in your editorial of the thirtieth, accords him greatness, or definitely implies it.

I submit and hope you will print an appreciation extremely different from your own, except in that implication.

In your editorial you have one sentence (to single out only that) which shows why you

The

misunderstand the man. An estimate of Gompers which is based on non-comprehension of the movement which he stands for and directs is bound to be unjust. You say, "The welfare of non-unionists is nothing to him." The very opposite of that is true. welfare of all workers is the very temple of the American Trade Union movement. Mr. Gompers cares so much for the welfare of non-unionists that he would have them all unionists. His and his movement's attitude toward unorganized toilers is that of the Christian's attitude, let us say, toward nonChristians. All members of the American Federation of Labor were at one time nonunionists. The life work of Samuel Gompers has been to make them unionists. The federation he founded has grown until today it is the greatest labor organization in the world, with nearly three million members. And the opposition to him, the fear of him, and the misrepresentation of him are chiefly because he is trying unceasingly and powerfully to extend the benefits of trades unionism to all productive humanity, and to make all humanity productive.

You may deny that trades-unionism does bestow benefits; but in that case you will find it hard, if you are candid, to get around the fact that men whose economic interests are opposed to the freedom of workers, and to the kindred essential elements of welfare among workers, are also opposed to trades unionism. If trades unionism were not beneficial to men and women who work, such interested antagonists of men and women who work would wish them to be all unionists.

In directing the fight for the immediate, welfare of those already in the ranks of union labor, Samuel Gompers and those co-operating with him have fought for and aided the welfare of all workers-non-unionists as well as unionists. Raising the standard of wages, of living, of intellectual attainments and of individual liberty among a great group of workers must and does inevitably raise those standards among all workers. When filtered down to the most lowly, the example does at least set a light on the hill before them and sets a lamp to their feet to guide them. Even the devices of many employers (devices such as "bonuses") temporarily to make non-unionists content to remain non-unionists, are a "chemical reaction," a reflex action, of unionism.

The "service to humanity" in the movement Samuel Gompers leads is more than material, unless materialism is taken to support and encompass idealism. The result of the service is not only higher wages. It is not only better hours and terms and conditions of worknot only a better distribution of the products of industry. Most of all, the result of the service is power in the possession of men and women themselves; the power of self-help; the power to take care of themselves instead of being "took care of."

Undoubtedly, Samuel Gompers would never have been chosen to head a labor movement by those who believe that labor should be as meek as Moses was not. But that he has demanded rights instead of begging them; that he has fought instead of cringing, and that he has not let the opponents of the union labor movement decide how the union labor movement shall be conducted will not condemn him with those who believe that courage and self-respect are good elements for the national fiber.

In his fifty years of fighting for labor and for humanity Mr. Gompers has never said anything more vigorous than Patrick Henry said, than the Declaration of Independence promulgated, than Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Justice Harlan and Woodrow Wilson said. But he has said things just as vigorous. And it is hoped and believed that those who follow after him in labor leadership in America will be as vigorous in word and act as Samuel Gompers. Very truly yours, DANTE BARTON.

The Life of Trade.

The proprietors of two rival livery stables, situated longside each other in a busy street, have been having a lively advertising duel lately.

The other week one of them stuck up on his office window a long strip of paper, bearing these words:

"Our horses need no whip to make them go." This bit of sarcasm naturally caused some amusement at the expense of the rival proprietor, but in less than an hour he neatly turned the tables by pasting the following retort on his own window:

"True. The wind blows them along!"Tit-Bits.

Without a Doubt.

"Now, girls," said the teacher, "can you tell me why the great man was buried in Westminster Abbey?"

There was a long silence.

At last a girl put up her hand.

"Bécause," she answered, solemnly and impressively, "he was dead!”—Sacred Heart Review.

Standard Horse Nail Co.

NEW BRIGHTON, PA., U. S. A,

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A FULL LINE OF HORSE NAILS

Send for Catalogue, Prices and Samples.

To the Workers of Latin America, Fraternal Greetings:

T

HE convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in November, 1916, in the city of Baltimore, United States of North America, passed resolutions and gave authority to its Executive Council whereby this, the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee, is called into being.

In accordance with this action there has been established in the building of the American Federation of Labor in Washington, D. C., an office in charge of the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee whose mission it is to give form to the projected conference of bona fide labor representatives from all Pan-American countries.

The Conference Committee is composed of Samuel Gompers, chairman, representing the American Federation of Labor; John Murray, secretary, and the following committeemen: Santiago Iglesias, representing the organized workers of Porto Rico, and Carlos Loveira, representing the organized workers of Yucatan, Mexico. The committee welcomes representatives from the organized labor movements of Latin-American countries to join with us. All are urged to select their representatives as soon as possible. If an official selection cannot be made early, the name and address of some one should be given the committee, who will correspond with the committee and with whom it and others can correspond.

By means of correspondence with all the labor centers of the American continent, and through the daily, weekly and monthly press friendly to labor, the Conference Committee proposes to carry on an active propaganda for the attainment of practical, immediate benefits as well as the ideals of organized labor.

As is well known, the capitalists of North America and some European countries are scattering millions and millions of dollars through Latin-America acquiring concessions and business properties which are disposed of to them by Latin-American politicians and speculators without taking into consideration the rights of the masses of the people, the masses of the people who by these transac

tions have their future endangered for decades and perhaps centuries.

If the employers, the capitalists, of PanAmerica thus unite for the protection of their common advantage, it becomes all the more evident that the wage-earners of these countries must also unite for their common protection and betterment.

It will be the duty of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to show to the world that its purpose is to permeate the Western Hemisphere with a humane influence. This influence will more truly represent the sentiments of the American people than the influence of all the corporations of the United States, and is in strong contrast with those capitalists who are etrnally crying "Business, business," and "Dollars, dollars."

Above all things, the Pan-American Federation of Labor should stand as a guard on watch to protect the Western Hemisphere from being overrun by military domination from any quarter.

The Conference Committee desires to impress upon its brother workers throughout Pan-America that in its opinion each national organization should be autonomous within the jurisdiction of its own country. The Conference Committee stands for the right of the workers of every American country to work out their own problems in accord with their ideals and highest conceptions.

Authorized by the American Federation of Labor, the Executive Council held a most important conference in Washington, during the month of July, 1916, with representatives of the organized labor movement of Mexico. It is generally conceded that this conference was one of the main factors in averting war between the two countries which at that very moment was made imminent by the Carrizal affair.

Two of the Mexican delegates participating in this conference, Baltasar Pages and Carlos Loveira, left Washington on a tour of propaganda and study through South American countries. They carried with them credentials from organized labor of the State of Yucatan, Mexico, and from President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor. This propa

ganda tour lasted for over five months, the delegates going as far south as Chile and Argentina, besides visiting other Latin-American countries. Everywhere Loveira and Pages, speaking for the ideal of a Pan-American Federation of Labor, were received with a warm welcome, and a full report was made by Mr. Loveira to the Thirty-sixth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor held in Baltimore. The report cited the significant situation now existing between Chile and Peru. These countries had been at war with one another, and, officially, still regard each other, with suspicion. In spite of this, however, the labor movements of these countries have established the most friendly relations, each country maintaining a fraternal delegate in the land of the other and holding labor congresses from time to time. The report went on to show that between Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Guatemala the same fraternal labor conditions exist.

The Conference Committee hopes that every bona fide labor organization in Latin-America will immediately establish correspondence, one with another, and for this purpose and to facilitate this correspondence, the Conference Committee encloses a list of names and addresses so that there may be a free interchange of opinions and suggestions to bring about the purposes expressed in this document.

It is earnestly requested that labor organizations which desire any further information in regard to matters of trade union tactics, rules, regulations and customs may freely ask this Conference Committee for them, in order that all may acquire fraternal solidarity.

The working people of all our countries should give their first attention to securing better standards of life and work:

High wages.

Shorter workdays.

are

The right, singly or collectively, to withhold our labor power-the right to strike. Latin-American labor organizations asked to spread the suggested ideals of this conference by means of correspondence, by means of the press at their disposal, and through pamphlets. In order to facilitate this great work it is desired that all possible information in relation to unions, syndicates, federations and confederations be sent to the PanAmerican Federation of Labor Conference Committee in this circular letter to undertake Building, Washington, D. C., U. S. A., giving in detail names and addresses of leaders, number of members and other matters of moment. It is not the purpose of the Conference Committee in this circular letter to undertake to discuss all that this Pan-American Federation of Labor may encompass or portend. Suffice it to know that this Conference Committee has in mind the establishment of the most cordial and fraternal relations, co-operation for the protection and the promotion of the rights and interests of the working people --this to maintain the integrity of our several countries in order that the largest field of helpfulness may be utilized, and that the people and all the governments of Pan-America may stand as one great unit for our common protection and advancement.

It is with these thoughts and hopes uppermost in our minds and our hearts, the spirit of which we have but barely expressed, that we appeal to our fellow-workers of PanAmerica to give this, our solemn purpose, their immediate, hearty and constant support.

NOTE-The thought and hope for a PanAmerican Federation of Labor have been, as is well known, long in contemplation and for nearly a year in the course of preparation. This manifesto has been in course of prepara

T

HE union label is a part of the wellknown machinery of labor unions. The union label is used to indicate that the goods and receptacles of goods to which it is affixed were made solely by members of the union having adopted the label, and to distinguish such goods from all others of a similar kind in the market. It has been said that it may not be too much to assume that the use of the label is in fact, as it certainly might be, of more economic importance to the union than are many or most trade marks strictly so-called, in the promotion of which vast sums of money are spent and which are so zealously protected by our

courts.

While it is true that each form of trade union activity has its own particular functions to perform, it is equally true that since the unfavorable Buck Stove and Range Co. and the Danbury Hatters' decisions much greater emphasis has been laid on the use of union labels. Indeed, the establishing of the Union Label Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor and its continual maintenance for the past eight years, as well as the formation and continued existence of the International Allied Printing Trades Association, is significant of the great commercial and social value attributed to this union label movement.

Thus the question is naturally and logically raised: What does the union label signify? What great social and economic principles does it represent? What are the ideals, aims and inspirations typified and symbolized by the trade union label?

Originally the trade union label was designed by the cigar makers of San Francisco, Cal., to direct attention to the growing competition of Chinese labor with white labor and to the grave and menacing dangers which would logically follow the converting of an American standard of living to a much lower condition of life. The impending danger was so great, this appeal of the cigar makers so effective, that immediate individual and social resentment was aroused, creating a social atmosphere and economic condition wherein this unfair competition could no longer exist.

Of course, then as now, there were those who cared little under what conditions of ém

1

ployment the articles they purchased were produced and marketed, who failed to grasp or appreciate the relation of conditions of sale to conditions of production, and the effect of this relation of conditions of sale to conditions of production and the effect of this relation upon the moral, social and economic conditions of the great mass of people. Fortunately, there were, then as now, many who are imbued with the feeling and spirit of maintaining a high standard of moral and social conditions and who were willing to subordinate temporary economic advantages in order to further such moral and social principles.

This message of the first trade union label, and the moral, social and economic mission it performed in such a splendid fashion is still in evidence today. Indeed the message symbolized in the trade union label is greater today in its scope and consequences than at any time since its adoption. Today the union label directs attention to the evil of underpaid and overworked adult labor; to the unfair competition of free labor with compulsory or convict labor; to the exploitation of woman and child labor. It directs attention and concentrates public sentiment against the evils peculiar to certain crafts and evils common to most all industries. It is a permanent declaration of the moral duty devolving on the purchaser to inquire into the cost at which an article is produced as well as into the cost at which it is sold. It appeals to reason and not to force, and is a medium through which the public may enforce its rightful power to arbitrament between employer and employes.

It is impossible to define the comprehensive possibilities of the union label; nothing in the whole realm of union labor is more capable of effective and continuous unity. To the trade unionists it is a constant reminder of their common interests and a common duty in and toward each other and it is unquestionably the most practical agency yet devised to unify and organize all the forces so greatly subdivided and diversified into distinctive units of organization in the productive field of labor.

The realization of the great social and economic value inherent in the trade union label, the increasing agitation and resultant demand for union label products, so ably championed and furthered by the Union Label