nently crippled. I have entered the homes of the workmen and seen some of their children of six and seven years of age who have never walked.

7. One of the worst effects of the present policy seems to be the letting loose upon the Ruhr of red communism. The workers in this particular section are the most radical of all Germany. The French have disarmed practically the entire German police throughout the occupied area. In. the recent communist uprising no protection was left the manufacturers or loyal workers save the unarmed fire department and the "Protective Association" of the workers. When the communists attacked one of the factories which I visited, the fire department even without arms was successfully quelling the revolt and pressing them back. As they passed the French military center by the bridge, the French officer rushed out and blew his whistle. He was immediately followed by French soldiers who with the butts of their rifles or bayonets attacked the German fire department which was peacefully but successfully pushing back the communists. With the assistance of the French, the communists now joined in the attack and dispersed the fire department. I have before me the sworn affidavits of thirteen of these men who verify these facts. I also have the testimony of employers and of laborers in several cities. Germany is at this hour threatened with revolution as the result of the French occupation.

The Ruhr will never largely produce coal under bayonets. Even Prussia never dared station a garrison among these hardy miners, save a small contingent at Mulheim. They would not even work under German bayonets. It is not merely that the present policy in the Ruhr is doomed to fail, but we tremble for the future, for the seeds of another war are being sown with more terrible certainty than in 1870 or 1914. And the gathering conscience of the

democratic world must condemn it. I have no hope ox counteracting the long years of war propaganda since 1914, but I desire to bear witness against this menace which the leaders in Britain, Italy and neutral Europe now know only too well and which even isolated America will realize in time.

It is significant that the militarist policy of France is unsparingly condemned by the whole world of laborFrench, German, British, Italian, Russian and neutrals. The invasion of the Ruhr has not only impoverished Germany and indefinitely postponed and lessened possible indemnities, as was foreseen and foretold in each British note of protest, it has already started the divisive and disruptive process of the German Republic that was desired. Volumes could be written to prove that this was the real object of France. General Pershing's own report to President Wilson as early as May 22, 1919, shows that even then France desired revolution and the dismemberment of Germany. General Pershing states that General Mangin sent a staff officer to inquire what the American attitude would be toward a separate Rhineland Republic: "The staff officer stated that they had fifty deputies ready to send into the American sector to assist in starting the revolution."1

Mr. G. Lowes Dickinson reminds us of the fact that during the crisis of the Peace Conference, M. Clemenceau, although in certain regards yielding to President Wilson, turned to President Poincare with these highly significant words: "Mr. President, you are much younger than I. In fifteen years the Germans will not have executed all these clauses of the treaty, and in fifteen years, if you do me the

1 See further evidence in Ray Stannard Baker's Woodrow Wilson and World Settlement.

Also "France and the Peace of Europe" by Kirby Page.

honor to come to my tomb, you will be able to say to me, I am convinced of it, 'We are on the Rhine and we shall stay there." They will stay there, because the treaty was calculated for this very purpose by the French.

The German labor movement may be examined first as the largest on the continent of Europe. Karl Marx issued his "Communist Manifesto" in 1848 picturing the misery of the workers and calling upon them to unite. Bismarck endeavored to crush the labor movement by the AntiSocialist Law of 1878, which was finally repealed after its utter failure to check the irrepressible aspirations of the masses. The Social Democratic Party grew steadily in power until in 1912 they had polled over a third of the total national vote, returning 110 members to the Reichstag.

The Trade Union Movement of Germany enrolled 4,513,000 in 1913; it trebled in size during the war and today numbers over 12,000,000.1

Instead of society breaking up horizontally in a class war, as Marx had prophesied, Europe broke vertically on nationalist lines in 1914. Following the failure of the March German offensive in 1918 came the revolution of November 9. The Socialists put down the radical Spartacist uprising and formed a Coalition Government with the Catholics and Democrats, with Ebert, a conservative Social Democratic labor leader, as President.

Under the new Constitution of 1919, Germany became a democratic Republic. Almost the first act of the new government was to sweep away all the restrictions of the

1 Of these approximately 8,500,000 belong to the General Federation of Trade Unions, chiefly Social Democrats. Nearly 2,000,000 are in the more conservative Hirsch-Duncker Trade Unions which seek a closer co-operation between capital and abor; and over 2,000,000 are in the Christian Trade Unions. The latter were founded in 1893, being unable to agree with the anti-religious program of class war advocated by the Marxian Unions.

old paternal system which had always distrusted and handicapped the workers as second-grade citizens. Immediate provision was made for a maximum 8-hour working day, an adequate employment exchange system, unemployment relief, and conciliation committees for industrial disputes. The labor code of the Constitution of 1919 is based on principles of equal justice, economic freedom, the right of free association, a comprehensive scheme of social insurance and a universal maximum of rights to the working classes. "Manual and non-manual workers shall be called upon to co-operate with employers on an equal footing in the regulation of wages and labor conditions, as well as the whole economic development of production. The organizations of both sides shall be recognized."

The Works Councils Act of 1920 provides for the creation of councils representing the workers in all establishments employing not less than twenty workmen. These Councils assist the managing body by advice, co-operate in the introduction of new methods, and are concerned in the maintenance of wages. They appoint one or more members on the Board of Directors and they are entitled to a quarterly report, an annual balance sheet and inspection of the books.

The majority of the employers whom the writer interviewed in Berlin, the Ruhr and Upper Silesia felt that the Councils were on the whole working well.

It was not until the end of the nineteenth century that collective bargaining was definitely established here. Now Germany has a highly constitutionalized industry. Boards of arbitration are provided for the settlement of industrial disputes. The organizations of trade unions and employers' associations are both officially recognized. Machinery is provided for joint boards to bring both parties together, locally, in districts and nationally. Arbitration courts are

constituted, consisting ordinarily of three labor members, three employers, and three impartial members representing the community. The Minister of Labor, who appoints the chairman, may declare binding the action of the court or board if the decision is sustained by six votes.

The more than twelve millions now in organized trade unions in Germany represent with their families about half of the total population. Their representatives constitute the largest single party in the Reichstag.

Economic conditions after the war have, however, plunged multitudes of the middle classes and the six millions of pensioners, unemployed and disabled, into abject poverty. Germany lost through the war 13 per cent of her area, 10 per cent of her population, 25 per cent of her coal production before the occupation of the Ruhr which produced 72 per cent of the remainder, 74 per cent of her iron ore, 15.7 per cent of her wheat and rye, 18 per cent of her production of potatoes, and 89 per cent of her merchant marine. The writer inspected a number of the poorest homes in the slums, where he found people actually starving. They revealed the very dregs of the war. At the moment of writing, Germany seems to be threatened with revolution and chaos. Germany is in danger of becoming by the very terms of the Treaty the sweatshop of the world. The whole standard of living has been lowered for the German workmen. Wages are just above, or often below, the minimum of existence. Food is scarce and of bad quality. Clothing is out of reach. The consistent military policy in the Ruhr threatens Germany with chaos and the world with war.

The labor movement of France was born in the abject poverty that preceded the French Revolution of 1789 and it has always been characterized by its somewhat volcanic and revolutionary character. The result has been reac